Rebeca

Transeúnte

[Rebeca @2E3EC4]

@heemin__ @PamphletsY Tu odio irracional no te deja reconocer la historia oficial, Claudia Sheinbaum nació en la Cd de México. ES MÁS MEXICANA que tu perro odio.

[Rebeca @2E3EC4]

@NicMCtheold @IranInDRCongo 🇲🇽México 1846-1848

[Christian Nader @ExoSapiens]

El ataque contra Irán nuevamente ocurrió en plenas negociaciones, incluso hace unas horas se especuló desde Mascate que Teherán estaría dispuesto a ceder el uranio de su programa nuclear energético, aunque siempre esperaron una inminente agresión. La República Islámica sabía que el imperio y el sicariato colonial sionista atacarían en el proceso, justo como el año pasado. Dicho y hecho ocurrió. De nada sirve sentarse a dialogar con EEUU, siendo los mismos genocidas quienes afirman que la diplomacia y el "orden global basado en reglas" (pese a que siempre estuvo a su favor) llegó a su fin, aunque había quedado claro en diversos frentes en los últimos 35 años tras puestas en escena como la OTAN no se expandirá ni un cm al este, los Acuerdos de Minsk, Oslo o el supuesto cese al fuego en Gaza. Son los tiempos de matar o morir, como siempre tuvo que haber sido frente a la excrecencia occidental y sus marionetas. El gusano terrorista Rubio hace unos días en Múnich aseguró que Euroccidente debe sentir orgullo por su pasado colonial genocida, lo cual es una declaración sin tapujo alguno contra el mundo. Frente a ese escenario venidero lo único que queda es armarse hasta los dientes, de ser posible con arsenales nucleares frente a los asesinos de masas y destructores de naciones, con ello la asimetría se reduciría de manera importante.

La nueva agresión contra Persia / Irán es la última fase de un proceso iniciado hace más de un siglo, cuando la inmundicia británica puso sus ojos en la riqueza energética de aquel país, desde ese entonces los terroristas angloparlantes acabaron con una monarquía (los Kayar) y un primer ministro (Mosaddeq). Tras el triunfo de la revolución del 79, a través de un Huseín armado químicamente por EEUU, asesinaron a más de medio millón de iraníes. Luego vinieron los asesinatos selectivos, ataques terroristas, intentos de balcanización y magnicidios. Hoy vemos a los petroreyezuelos sin legitimidad alguna como Nahyan, Maktoum, Jalifa, Thani, Saud o a cipayos como los hachemíes, Sisi y al decapitador de al-Qaeda en Siria postrarse y derribar misiles iraníes dirigidos a la abominación israelí. Su destino también está sellado, Roma no paga a traidores y eso aplica también para los cipayos que se han arrodillado a Washington en otras regiones, especialmente en América Latina, donde el imperio ya inició su repliegue buscando atrincherarse.

La agresión contra la República Islámica de Irán lo es también contra las potencias globales antagónicas al imperio, Rusia y China, la primera con fronteras marítimas con Irán y la segunda a tiro de piedra a través de Asia Central. Tendrán que apoyar a Teherán quien deberá apostar a una conflicto prolongado y de desgaste. El problema ocurrirá cuando el sicario sionista israelí se vea acorralado, ya que sin duda recurriría a su arsenal nuclear. Obviamente, como era de esperarse, los cínicos mataniños sionistas lo definen como un ataque preventivo y en unos minutos posarán como víctimas. Así son los tiempos de un imperio estadounidense en fase terminal regido por una abusador sexual de menores y de su amo, un genoinfanticida terrorista sionista.

[EJÉRCITO, FUERZA AÉREA Y GUARDIA NACIONAL México @EJTO_FAM_GN]

Hoy en México está pasando algo que muchos prefieren no mirar de frente.

No es tendencia.
No es meme.
No es chisme de sobremesa.

Es real.

Mientras tú estás aquí, deslizando el dedo por la pantalla, riéndote de un video o leyendo opiniones…

Hay hombres y mujeres con uniforme que no saben si esta noche van a volver a casa.

Puedes pensar lo que quieras del Ejército.
Puedes criticarlos.
Puedes exigir.
Puedes señalar errores.

Estás en tu derecho.

Pero hay una verdad que pesa más que cualquier comentario en redes:

Mientras muchos hablan desde la seguridad de su sala,
ellos caminan donde el silencio es sospechoso.
Donde cualquier esquina puede ser la última.
Donde una sombra puede esconder una emboscada.

Ahí no hay filtro.
No hay segunda toma.
No hay botón de “editar”.

Hay miedo.
Hay tensión.
Hay decisiones que se toman en segundos y se cargan toda la vida.

Hoy no es un día cualquiera.
Es uno de esos días que marcan historia.
De esos donde el país entero contiene la respiración.

Y mientras unos celebran…
otros se preparan.
Mientras unos opinan…
otros avanzan.
Mientras unos duermen…
otros vigilan.

No se trata de idolatrar.
No se trata de cerrar los ojos a los errores.
Se trata de reconocer algo básico:

Alguien tiene que estar ahí.

Alguien tiene que entrar primero.
Alguien tiene que enfrentar lo que nadie más quiere enfrentar.

Porque cuando todo se descompone…
cuando el miedo se vuelve noticia…
cuando el caos deja de ser rumor…

Hay quienes siguen firmes.

Y eso, en medio del desmadre,
en medio del ruido,
en medio del juicio fácil…

Eso merece respeto.

Te guste o no.

[Rebeca @2E3EC4]

@imssdigital Tiene problemas la Aplicación? No puedo sacar la constancia de semanas cotizadas, me dice "el servidor está tardando más de lo normal"

[Rebeca @2E3EC4]

@soroshijueputa2 En México consumimos bastante tamarindo (diría que casi a diario) desde niños; en dulces, en aguas frescas, en salsas para comidas, con la cerveza, etc. ¿Será necesario que nosotros también hagamos este tratamiento? 🤔

[mmadrigal @SoyMmadrigal]

Se acuerdan que ayer les conté que había reportado una cuenta que quería que Grok desnudara a una niña y Grok contestaban que se hiciera de pago y lo hacía ?
Pues allí está

[Mónica O. abogada @Monicao2712]

🚨URGENTE ❗️
Quiero denunciar públicamente que el señor @RicardoBSalinas y sus abogados están enviando amenazas ilegales a sus deudores, utilizando indebidamente el nombre, logotipos y página oficial del #PoderJudicial y de la @SCJN, lo que constituye delitos.
Abro hilo 🧵 👇

[Anonymous @YourAnonCentral]

This is Ricardo Salinas Pliego, Mexico’s oligarch, who has donated to Trump and is currently trying to overthrow the Mexican government to avoid paying taxes and a deeper money laundering investigation into his cartel tied casinos.

Ricardo Salinas Pliego is not simply a billionaire with media influence; he is an oligarch who has influenced policy behind the scenes for decades. He is one of the most powerful corporate actors in Mexico, a figure whose empire spans television, banking, telecommunications, retail finance, resource extraction, and gaming. Through Grupo Salinas, he controls TV Azteca, Banco Azteca, Elektra, and Totalplay, companies that give him unmatched reach into public opinion, credit markets, household consumption, and national infrastructure. His companies’ interests intersect directly with areas where federal regulation, tax enforcement, and anti-corruption policy have become more aggressive in recent years, creating friction between the oligarch and the current Sheinbaum government.

Salinas has faced significant legal scrutiny over the past two decades, both in Mexico and abroad. Notably, in 2005, the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission accused him and TV Azteca of financial misconduct; this case was settled. Currently, in Mexico, tax disputes have intensified. Courts have ordered Grupo Elektra to pay billions of pesos in overdue liabilities, part of a broader federal effort to recover more than 63 billion pesos tied to his conglomerate. Mexican officials have openly accused Salinas of leveraging influence over the judiciary to obstruct payment. To date, no court has concluded that Salinas Pliego personally maintains direct ties to drug cartels. However, the casino investigations have tied his companies to criminal financial networks, raising questions about oversight, compliance, and exposure to cartel influence or collaboration.

The oligarch and the orange tyrant
Ricardo Salinas Pliego’s political reach extends far beyond Mexico’s borders. Over the past decade, he has cultivated ties with influential figures in the United States, particularly within the Republican Party and networks aligned with former President Donald Trump. A U.S. subsidiary of Grupo Salinas donated $250,000 to Trump’s 2017 presidential inauguration committee, placing him among a small circle of foreign-linked business interests that publicly supported the incoming administration. In the years that followed, a political action committee tied to his U.S. operations contributed to Trump’s re-election effort and more than $289,000 to Republican candidates and committees during the Trump presidency. Signaling a clear engagement with GOP power structures and Trump’s network of influence.

The overlap does not end with donations to the Trump campaign. Salinas Pliego has also surfaced in the corporate intelligence world, where his legal disputes have intersected with firms connected to Israeli intelligence. Reporting from Intelligence Online indicates that during a high-stakes financial conflict with businessman Val Sklarov, hiring Black Cube, a company founded by former members of Israel’s security services. Black Cube is already familiar in U.S. political circles. In 2017 and 2018, multiple investigations by major outlets revealed that aides to Donald Trump or actors aligned with his policy goals had contracted with Black Cube in connection with efforts to undermine the Iran nuclear agreement. The firm was reported to have targeted former Obama administration officials Ben Rhodes and Colin Kahl, looking for compromising personal or financial information that could be used to discredit them.

Several of Salinas’s public statements have echoed core Trump Republican messaging, including skepticism of state regulation, denunciations of “socialist” policies, and advocacy for market-driven reforms. During the Trump presidency, he publicly defended U.S. trade pressure on Mexico and praised Trump’s economic approach. His media and corporate messaging often mirror themes common in right-wing circles, emphasizing limited government oversight and hostility toward regulations that affect telecommunications, banking, and large-scale retail lending.

In 2025, Salinas launched a right-wing political initiative in Mexico that shared stylistic similarities with global far-right regressive movements tied to Russia, Israel, and Trump. His call for a citizen-led movement against “crime and corruption” drew heavily on the rhetoric of “taking back the country,” a phrase central to the former U.S. president’s political identity. While not publicly affiliated with any U.S. political organization, his messaging and political posture place him squarely within the ideological and influence orbit of contemporary regressive populism. Salinas’s corporate empire depends on a regulatory environment that favors private industry, helps him evade taxes, and limits federal regulations that protect ordinary people.

Taxing the oligarch: Mexico vs Corruption.
The long-running tax conflict between Ricardo Salinas Pliego and the Mexican government reached a decisive moment in 2025 under President Sheinbaum. After more than a decade of disputes, a federal tribunal in June ordered Grupo Elektra to pay 2,000 million pesos in overdue taxes, rejecting the company’s appeals and confirming the SAT’s assessment. Administrations before Claudia Sheinbaum had attempted to collect, but Salinas’s legal teams repeatedly stalled the process through appeals, constitutional protections (amparos), and challenges that kept the cases tied up in the courts. The standoff became a symbol of a broader problem in Mexico’s political economy: the difficulty of compelling untouchable oligarchs to comply with tax obligations that ordinary companies and citizens cannot escape. Salinas had long been seen as one of the most protected businessmen in the country, benefiting from political access and relationships that allowed him to delay or dilute enforcement efforts.

That changed under President Sheinbaum. Her administration inherited years of unresolved tax disputes involving Mexico’s largest corporate groups, but unlike previous governments, she treated these liabilities not as political bargaining chips but as a cornerstone of her anti-corruption platform. Unlike earlier governments, Sheinbaum entered office with a mandate to show she was not beholden to private power. Taking decisive action in a high-profile case involving one of the richest and most politically connected figures in the country gave her administration immediate credibility. Her administration strengthened the SAT’s litigation capacity, publicly backed regulators, and encouraged prosecutors to accelerate long-delayed cases. Sheinbaum’s government expanded audit protocols for large corporations, tightened rules governing public procurement, and introduced stricter oversight of federal contracts. She pushed for clearer reporting standards within government agencies, increased transparency requirements for public spending, and supported measures to limit influence peddling within regulatory bodies. Her administration also backed judicial reforms aimed at reducing the abuse of amparos that had historically allowed wealthy defendants to delay or nullify enforcement actions.

In June 2025, a federal tribunal issued a firm and final ruling ordering Grupo Elektra to pay 2,000 million pesos in overdue corporate taxes. The judges dismissed Elektra’s final set of appeals and upheld the SAT’s position that the liabilities were legally sound and long overdue. The court also determined that no further protections or procedural delays were justified, meaning Elektra was forced to pay immediately. The decision was unprecedented, not because of the amount but because of who it targeted. The courts signaled that they would no longer serve as a safety valve for corporate power, and SAT officials described the ruling as a watershed moment for fiscal sovereignty. It marked the first time in modern Mexican history that one of the country’s most powerful business empires was forced to comply with a major tax judgment after more than a decade of resistance.

This judgment represents only a fraction of what is at stake. According to SAT data, companies tied to Salinas Pliego collectively owe over 63,000 million pesos in accumulated liabilities, including corporate income taxes, penalties, and interest involving Elektra, TV Azteca, and other subsidiaries. These are among the largest corporate tax debts in the country.

For Sheinbaum, the ruling served two purposes. It demonstrated the government’s commitment to legal equality and undermined the perception that major businessmen could negotiate away their obligations. It also provided political momentum for her anti-corruption agenda, reinforcing public confidence in institutions that had long been viewed as deferential to economic elites.

For Salinas, the implications were immediate. The ruling weakened his perception of invulnerability and impunity, increased his financial exposure, and raised the prospect that the rest of his accumulated liabilities could soon be enforced with equal force. It also intensified the political conflict between his corporate empire and the federal government, contributing to his increasingly aggressive posture in the media and online political networks. The defeat significantly increased Salinas’s financial exposure, as well as that of every other oligarch in Mexico, and reduced his ability to negotiate from a position of strength. His public response framed the rulings as political retaliation, even as officials emphasized that the cases reflect an effort to enforce tax law uniformly after decades of selective oversight. The ruling reflected a structural shift in the balance of power between the state and the corporate oligarchs who had shaped Mexico’s political economy for decades. Sheinbaum’s anti-corruption measures provided the institutional foundation. The Elektra ruling provided the precedent. And together they signaled that Mexico’s era of untouchable billionaires was beginning to crack.

The Oligarch and the Cartel
The legal pressure on Ricardo Salinas Pliego intensified further when two casinos owned by Grupo Salinas were suspended as part of a nationwide crackdown on financial operations linked to organized crime, including drug cartels. Mexican authorities announced in 2025 that 13 casinos across multiple states were being investigated for laundering large volumes of illicit proceeds generated by the country’s major cartels. Two of those establishments belonged to the Salinas conglomerate.

Casinos have long been a favored laundering mechanism for Mexican cartels, as well as other organized crime groups worldwide. Their cash-heavy business model allows criminal networks to inject illicit funds into the financial system with minimal detection. The most common methods include:

1. Structured Cash Buy-ins
Cartel operatives bring significant amounts of small-denomination cash into casinos, break it into chips, play minimally, then cash out. The money is reissued as “winnings” and appears legitimate once deposited into bank accounts.

2. Use of Intermediaries (Smurfs)
Multiple individuals make smaller, separate transactions to avoid triggering reporting thresholds. These intermediaries often rotate casinos, making surveillance more difficult.

3. Collusion With Casino Staff
Criminal groups bribe or threaten employees to bypass required identification checks or to falsify transaction records. Some casinos have been accused of maintaining parallel bookkeeping systems to facilitate money movements.

4. Cross-Border Financial Transfers
Cartels use casinos near the U.S. border to convert pesos into dollars, then move the funds through shell companies or fake vendors abroad, completing the laundering cycle.

5. Use of Virtual Betting Platforms
Some casinos operate online platforms that are lightly regulated, enabling anonymous high-volume transactions across jurisdictions.

These practices make the gaming industry one of the most strategically important laundering channels for major criminal groups, including the Sinaloa Cartel, the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG), and various regional factions. It is also one of the sectors where government oversight has historically been weakest.

The nationwide casino investigation marked the first time in over a decade that federal authorities aggressively targeted the financial infrastructure supporting cartel liquidity rather than solely pursuing high-profile traffickers. By focusing on casinos, regulators went after the “cleaning” stage of cartel finances, where illicit proceeds are transformed into spendable corporate assets.

For Grupo Salinas, the suspension of two of its gaming establishments was especially consequential, not because authorities accused the conglomerate of criminal intent, but because any proximity to illicit finance networks carries severe regulatory and reputational risks. Even indirect exposure forces companies to undergo thorough audits, intensified reporting requirements, and forensic accounting reviews that can uncover additional irregularities.

At the moment the casino investigation broke, Salinas was already entangled in multi-billion-peso tax disputes and facing heightened regulatory scrutiny across his telecom, banking, and retail-finance divisions. The suspension of his casinos added a new legal front and expanded the scope of state oversight into his business empire.

The regulatory challenges emerged as a significant threat to his corporate model, signaling a broader “rule-of-law offensive” aimed at establishing system-wide changes rather than isolated regulatory incidents. This approach reflects the structural reform effort, intending to strengthen legal compliance across sectors and diminish the influence of entrenched oligarchies. Regulators gained access to internal financial records that were previously shielded by legal challenges. Increased surveillance meant less room for aggressive accounting strategies or opaque financial movements. Heightened AML (anti-money laundering) compliance requirements forced Banco Azteca to red-flag transactions more aggressively, undermining some of the flexibility the group and cartels relied on. Insurance and credit rating agencies responded by intensifying scrutiny of Grupo Salinas’s risk profile. Political opponents leveraged the investigation, framing it as evidence that his empire operates in legal gray zones.

For an oligarch whose empire has flourished under a light regulatory touch, this was a direct challenge to his operating environment. The casino suspensions also showed a transformation in Mexico’s approach to both criminal finance and elite impunity. For the first time in years, regulators were willing to risk confrontation with major corporate groups to disrupt the financial pipelines on which cartels depend. And because Grupo Salinas is one of the most politically connected conglomerates in the country, the enforcement action was widely interpreted as a sign that the government was willing to target any actor, regardless of status, if their financial operations fell within the scope of the investigation.

In short, the casino crackdown did more than expose potential vulnerabilities in Salinas’s empire. It demonstrated that, under President Sheinbaum, corruption would face serious pushback.

https://t.co/9lfhImRIfU

[Albert_Rudo @Albert_Rudo]

😂¡Esto se salió de control.🤣🤣🤣

¡No se rían¡.🤣🤣🤣
@AccionNacional
@PRI_Nacional
@RicardoBSalinas

[Rebeca @2E3EC4]

@LaRealnoticia @DavidFigueroaO Tanto @DavidFigueroaO como @KarlaMaEstrella opinan de extremos, el Diputado asegura que habrá un 100% de acercamiento con los ciudadanos, mientras que la ciudadana asegura que ese mismo 100% no se acercará. Pensar en mayor o menor probabilidad al respecto, sería más acertado.

[Rebeca @2E3EC4]

Autoridades de Hermosillo @tonoastiazaran @cepcsonora o @Policia_HMO podrían informarnos cómo están las vialidades y transportes en Hermosillo para circular sin riesgos al trabajo y a las escuelas? @SECSonora podrías informarnos sobre las clases y escuelas? Urge, ya es tarde!

[Rebeca @2E3EC4]

@cepcsonora ¿Qué no piensan salir a informar qué condiciones imperan en las vialidades de Hermosillo para no correr riesgos al salir a trabajar y estudiar? O de perdida díganos a qué autoridad municipal le corresponde informar. ¡Urge!

[Rebeca @2E3EC4]

@ISEAInformaT ¿Cómo alfabetizan si no tienen asesores para ello? Mi vecina, una persona de 62 años, estaba muy interesada en aprender a leer y escribir por lo que que la llevé al ISEA hace como 20 días y aún no le asignan asesor porque no tienen uno.

[Rebeca @2E3EC4]

@ActualidadRT No está el Himno Nacional Mexicano de Fondo, este ya había finalizado. La provocación para la creación de víctimas, es la estrategia de la oposición. El primer intento fue Lili Tellez, este sería el segundo. Cuidado si eligen mejores actores porque les funcionaría

[Rebeca @2E3EC4]

@vtpi85 @KarlaMaEstrella @tonoastiazaran Sigo a @KarlaMaEstrella desde mucho antes de que "se hiciera famosa" y hay que reconocer que @tonoastiazaran nunca se ha molestado por sus críticas ni ha usado bots (tampoco el Gobernador). De hecho, creo recordar que en alguna ocasión la "invitó" a su despacho.

[Ricardo De Spirito Balbuena. @elzorrotacneno]

Enfermedades inventadas para "curar" a los sanos.

[Rebeca @2E3EC4]

@KarlaMaEstrella Qué bueno que estás dando a conocer las sanciones de la que fuiste objeto por parte del @TEPJF_informa para que el estigma social sea de ellos y no tuyo, que, a pesar de que te quieren despojar con iniquidad de tu dignidad colocando tu nombre en ese "rosa escarlata", no lo logran

[Rebeca @2E3EC4]

@KarlaMaEstrella Por cada semana cumplida con la Bizarra Resolución impuesta por el @TEPJF_informa solicitada por la DATO PROTEGIDO @DianaKarinaBa propongo algún tipo de conmemoración (reunión, marcha, fiesta, carne asada, manifestación, pastelada, desfile, shower o revelación de sexo del bebé)

[Rebeca @2E3EC4]

@KarlaMaEstrella No solo es "no votar" por la DATO PROTEGIDO @DianaKarinaBa también se debe cuestionar severamente al @INEMexico. Nos cuesta miles de millones de pesos esta institución para que fomente la Educación Cívica y no lo está haciendo, al contrario, está impidiendo acceder a ella.