@ProfJNMoyo@DavidColtart Governance must be coherent either participation is respected fully, or restrictions must be justified uniformly, not selectively applied.#CA3
And using your own logic, Honourable Coltart, in terms of the Constitution of Zimbabwe (2013), can judges be members of the legislature - like at least the 18 traditional leaders in the Senate - where they can sit, speak and vote? The answer is no, so keep judges out of this. Meanwhile, if it's ok for traditional leaders to do politics in Parliament as Senators, why is it not ok for them to do the same back home in their communal lands; when they're with the people they represent, as MPs?
@HimCourage@tino_mystro@GutuObert@cityofharare2 Around the corner is a public toilet, yet we're shown one angle and expected to ignore the bigger picture. Real progress comes through accountability and solutions, not selective narratives. #CA3 🇿🇼
@GutuObert@cityofharare2 This is exactly why I support CA3. Accountability should start at every level of governance. Instead of blame shifting we need leaders & institutions that take responsibility for service delivery. Residents deserve clean, functional & well managed cities. #CA3
Why spend millions on divisive presidential elections when Parliament can do the job? #CA3 promotes stability, reduces election-related violence, and allows resources to be directed towards hospitals, schools, and development. 🇿🇼#Vision2030
@CdeProgressive#CA3 continues to bring Zimbabweans together around a common vision for national progress. As the Speaker said, it is a unifying force that encourages dialogue, consensus and collective nationbuilding.
CA3 continues its orderly progress through Parliament, moving step by step in line with all constitutional procedures. From Second Reading to Committee Stage, every clause is being properly examined and debated. #CA3 is steadily advancing through the legislative process.
CA3 helps strengthen our defence structures, ensuring stability, security and continuity as Zimbabwe continues on its development journey. When our nation is secure, our people can focus on building a better future.
#CA3#Vision2030#Zimbabwe
Clause 9 aligns Parliament's term with the proposed seven year national development cycle, ensuring policy continuity, stability, and long-term planning. #CA3#Clause9
The power still starts with the voter. CA3 strengthens representative democracy by giving elected leaders the responsibility to act on behalf of the people. #CA3
Good roads drive economic growth. As infrastructure improves across the country, support for CA3 continues to grow among people who want development projects completed and expanded.#CA3ZVAENDWA
@NewsHawksLive The Constitution belongs to the people of Zimbabwe, not to Tendai Biti or any single political group. Parliament will debate CA3 on its merits, not on the basis of opposition rhetoric.#CA3ZVAENDWA
@NewsHawksLive A nation cannot develop at full speed when it is constantly in election mode. CA3 puts development first.
From perpetual politics to measurable #ca3
Development requires institutions that work efficiently. CA3 seeks to align our constitutional framework with the practical realities of governance and nation building. #CA3
𝐓𝐫𝐚𝐧𝐬𝐜𝐫𝐢𝐩𝐭 𝐨𝐟 𝐉𝐮𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐜𝐞, 𝐋𝐞𝐠𝐚𝐥 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐏𝐚𝐫𝐥𝐢𝐚𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐚𝐫𝐲 𝐀𝐟𝐟𝐚𝐢𝐫𝐬 𝐌𝐢𝐧𝐢𝐬𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝐙𝐢𝐲𝐚𝐦𝐛𝐢 𝐙𝐢𝐲𝐚𝐦𝐛𝐢’𝐬 𝐬𝐩𝐞𝐞𝐜𝐡 𝐝𝐮𝐫𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐒𝐞𝐜𝐨𝐧𝐝 𝐑𝐞𝐚𝐝𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐨𝐟 𝐂𝐨𝐧𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐭𝐮𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐨𝐟 𝐙𝐢𝐦𝐛𝐚𝐛𝐰𝐞 𝐀𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐝𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐭 (𝐍𝐨.𝟑) 𝐁𝐢𝐥𝐥, 𝟐𝟎𝟐𝟔, 𝐢𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐍𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥 𝐀𝐬𝐬𝐞𝐦𝐛𝐥𝐲 𝐨𝐧 𝐉𝐮𝐧𝐞 𝟑:
Introduction
Mr Speaker Sir. This is a defining moment in our constitutional evolution, a journey rooted in the liberation struggle fought and won by the heroic sons and daughters of the soil.
Shaped by the aspirations of our people and given formal expressions in the Constitution we adopted by and for ourselves as Zimbabweans in 2013.
Constitutions, by their very nature, are not monuments cast permanently in stone.
They are a living instrument of good governance designed to respond to changing realities, emerging challenges and ever-evolving needs and aspirations of society.
The true strength of a constitutional democracy lies not in rigid permanency but in its capacity for lawfully reasoned and progressive adaptation.
This Bill is therefore not an abandonment of our Constitutional order in any way, shape or form, but a continuation of it.
It is the product of practical experience, institutional reflection and of the honest recognition that after more than a decade of implementation, certain provisions of the 2013 Constitution require refinement to enhance their functionality, enhance their coherence and their service to national progress.
I ask this House to weigh the Bill in that spirit.
A republic confident enough to write its own founding law must be mature enough to improve it.
What I bring before you is not a leap into an unknown, but a measured step informed by the realities of Constitutional governance by lessons drawn from our history and comparable jurisdictions, and by our shared determination that the supreme law of our land should remain an instrument for development rather than an obstacle.
Let me begin not with what the Bill does but what it does not do because a great deal of what has been said about it beyond the walls of this Chamber bears little resemblance to the text that lies before Honourable Members.
There have been many claims about this Bill circulated in the press and in the public sphere, especially on social media platforms, which are simply not true.
Before I comment on a single clause to this House, I want to place those claims beside the text and answer them plainly.
Let me state clearly and without qualification, five things this Bill simply does not do:
1. It does not give the President a term extension or a third term.
2. It does not take away the right to vote which is enshrined in the time-honoured principle of universal suffrage.
3. It does not at all concern itself with some succession in any political party.
4. It does not postpone the nation’s election to some distant or unknown year and
5. It does not concentrate power or the running of elections in the hands of the President.
None of these things is true of the Bill before this House.
I will retain to each of them in its place and I will show clause by clause, why each charge fails against the text, but I wanted Honourable Members and members of the public who may be following our proceedings to hear at the outset and in plain terms what this Bill does not do.
I now turn to what this Bill does.
The Bill contains 22 clauses, effectively, if I discount the title, 21.
This does not mean it does 21 things because when all is said and done, it actually seeks to do two main things around which it aligns the Constitutional text.
The Bill reforms the manner in which we choose and hold our highest office so that the President is elected by the people through their Parliament, the Chamber that the people themselves elect and remain continuously answerable to.