As a former Special Forces Warrant Officer with multiple rotations running counterinsurgency ops—both hunting insurgents and trying to separate them from sympathetic populations—I’ve seen organized resistance up close. From Anbar to Helmand, the pattern is familiar: spotters, cutouts, dead drops (or modern equivalents), disciplined comms, role specialization, and a willingness to absorb casualties while bleeding the stronger force slowly.
What’s unfolding in Minneapolis right now isn’t “protest.” It’s low-level insurgency infrastructure, built by people who’ve clearly studied the playbook.
Signal groups at 1,000-member cap per zone. Dedicated roles: mobile chasers, plate checkers logging vehicle data into shared databases, 24/7 dispatch nodes vectoring assets, SALUTE-style reporting (Size, Activity, Location, Unit, Time, Equipment) on suspected federal vehicles. Daily chat rotations and timed deletions to frustrate forensic recovery. Vetting processes for new joiners. Mutual aid from sympathetic locals (teachers providing cover, possible PD tip-offs on license plate lookups). Home-base coordination points. Rapid escalation from observation to physical obstruction—or worse.
This isn’t spontaneous outrage. This is C2 (command and control) with redundancy, OPSEC hygiene, and task organization that would make a SF team sergeant nod in recognition. Replace “ICE agents” with “occupying coalition forces” and the structure maps almost 1:1 to early-stage urban cells we hunted in the mid-2000s.
The most sobering part? It’s domestic. Funded, trained (somewhere), and directed by people who live in the same country they’re trying to paralyze law enforcement in. When your own citizens build and operate this level of parallel intelligence and rapid-response network against federal officers—complete with doxxing, vehicle pursuits, and harassment that’s already turned lethal—you’re no longer dealing with civil disobedience. You’re facing a distributed resistance that’s learned the lessons of successful insurgencies: stay below the kinetic threshold most of the time, force over-reaction when possible, maintain popular support through narrative, and never present a single center of gravity.
I spent years training partner forces to dismantle exactly this kind of apparatus. Now pieces of it are standing up in American cities, enabled by elements of local government and civil society. That should keep every thinking American awake at night.
Not because I want escalation. But because history shows these things don’t de-escalate on their own once the infrastructure exists and the cadre believe they’re winning the information war.
We either recognize what we’re actually looking at—or we pretend it’s still just “activism” until the structures harden and spread.
Your call, America. But from where I sit, this isn’t January 2026 politics anymore.
It’s phase one of something we’ve spent decades trying to keep off our own soil.
I have 20 years of experience in the intelligence community, and yes, what we’re seeing in Minnesota is closer to insurgency than a protest.
A protest doesn’t feature thousands of people on comms, tracking law enforcement to sabotage operations, while armed, or using vehicles to ram officers.
What we’re seeing is highly dangerous, coordinated, and risks escalating into something deeply damaging to the country. We need de-escalation now, and an immediate investigation into the funders and leaders behind this operation.
@RepThomasMassie So is it ok to carry firearms when you are violently obstructing law enforcement duties? How is it that nobody who is claiming this is 2A isn't recognizing that violent resistance while armed is asking to be shot? Are you that stupid Massie?
Its ok to attend a lawful protest armed. That is 100% the right of every citizen in America. But what is happening in Minnesota is not protest, its civil disobedience and violent resistance. That's not protest. Also, if you intend on using force against police, don't be armed.
This isn’t how judicial power works. Courts can’t “enjoin” or “restrain” the President from deploying the national guard. If a private party is injured by a guardsman, that party can bring a lawsuit. The legality and constitutionality of the action will be adjudicated. And compensation will be ordered if appropriate. A single district judge, however, doesn’t get to play commander in chief.