Ahmad Sadiq

[Ahmad Sadiq @Ahmadsadeeq]

@TheGridPost Universal sharing of at least 12 hours for household clusters and 23-24 hours for productive clusters such as industries will be much preferable

[Ahmad Sadiq @Ahmadsadeeq]

@DahirMHashim Well done HC. Is there any plan for the expansion of green plantation across more roads within the state? The rainy season is here and we're yet to see resumption of such activities

[Ahmad Sadiq @Ahmadsadeeq]

@mua33am Lol. Ka fi son mu shiga 3 da fans fin Messi?

[servant of Allah @alouibrahim92]

On the issues of Arabs from North Africa participating in Islamist Terrorism in Nigeria, as far back as when Muhammad Yusuf was alive, there was confirmed participation of Maghrebi Arabs, particularly from Algeria and Mauritania, in the early days of Boko Haram.

These foreign actors provided critical tactical, financial, and ideological connections as the group transitioned from a local Salafist sect into a transnational militant organization.

Specifics on who they were, their countries of origin, and their functions include:

Key Maghrebi Operatives and Their Functions:

•Khaled al-Barnawi (Algeria / Nigeria): Also known as Abu Ousama al-Ansari, he was a key early link between Boko Haram and al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM). Operating closely with Boko Haram's founder, Muhammad Yusuf, al-Barnawi served as a senior commander and helped organize and facilitate the training of early Boko Haram members in southern Algerian and Saharan camps as early as 2006. He later co-founded the splinter group Ansaru.

•Abu Muhammed Amir al-Masir (Sudan/Algeria): A media expert and militant coordinator who facilitated training and handled funding and communication for Boko Haram's international connections.

•Abdelhamid Abou Zeid and Mokhtar Belmoktar (Algeria): Senior AQIM commanders operating in the Sahel. While not based directly in Nigeria, they oversaw the broader Saharan and Sahelian networks that provided arms, logistical support, safe havens, and training to Boko Haram recruits who traveled to North and West Africa.

Specific Countries of Origin:

•Algeria: The primary North African country with confirmed involvement in training, arming, and radicalizing early Boko Haram members, mostly via AQIM networks.

•Mauritania: Confirmed as an early regional training hub, where founder Mohammed Yusuf sent early cohorts of his followers to receive tactical jihadist and military training.

•Libya: While Arab fighters from Libya were generally less integrated into Boko Haram's command structure in the early 2000s, post-2011 Libyan arms depots became a primary source of heavy weapons smuggled to the group.

Historical Evolution of the Alliance:

In the early 2000s, under Muhammad Yusuf, Boko Haram maintained close ideological ties with al-Qaeda. Yusuf sent several waves of his followers to the Maghreb and the Sahel to learn urban guerrilla tactics and secure funding. In return, Maghrebi jihadists used local Boko Haram networks to embed foreign fighters and establish rear-guard footholds in West Africa.

Boko Haram’s pre-2009 Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) Roots is something that has been well interrogated just as the seeding of ties between the 2 groups was well documented by experts;

“A letter recovered in Osama bin Laden's compound reveals that a senior AQIM commander recommended that his group train Boko Haram's forces. Other official sources confirm that AQIM did provide the training and also groomed part of Boko Haram's leadership.”

I have personally maintained at least in the last 2yrs, that, with internal security operations disrupting IS Cells in Morocco, Coastal West African Countries, and especially the LCBC, needed to step up Intelligence cooperation with Morocco perhaps using the RIFU Platform, to obtain, monitor and keep an active surveillance system of known actors to the Moroccan Intel Agencies, so as to deny those actors freedom of mobility and action in said spaces.

Mauritania on the other hand, after the agreement that led to some semblance of peace, nothing stopped those actors from seeking their Adrenalin fix in other spaces. A distinction however, must be made between Jihadists driven by ideology, and Jihadists for hire as contractors.

Either way, engaging Morocco with a unified position for Intel sharing and coordination, is super important in confronting what is now clearly a Symbiotic Insurgency, especially in NW Nigeria and the LCB.

[Ahmad Sadiq @Ahmadsadeeq]

@JaafarSJaafar Duk abun da kasan bazai yiyu ba a fadin duniyar nan, toh ba a zo Nigeria bane

[Olufemi AWOYEMI @OlufemiAwoyemi]

CFG Advisory’s June 2026 paper, authored by #TilewaAdebajo, returns Professor Adebayo Adedeji to the centre of Nigeria’s reform conversation. Professor Adedeji occupies an unusual place in Nigeria’s intellectual history, and this report is a timely contribution because it reframes a debate that has too often collapsed into a contest between defenders and critics of the present adjustment programme.

Adedeji’s contention, developed over his years at the Economic Commission for Africa, was that macroeconomic correction, not joined to industrialisation, social protection, and regional integration, would stabilise the accounts without transforming the economy beneath them. Read against Nigeria’s reform cycle since 2023, that argument becomes a test rather than a slogan.

@proshare's purpose in this review is neither to endorse nor to dismiss the report. It is to ask whether the reforms now in progress are being converted into a coherent, sequenced, investable, and socially legitimate transformation agenda.

For our discerning readers, including policymakers, lenders, and investors, we must now move beyond the headlines of macroeconomic successes in foreign-exchange unification, subsidy removal, or fiscal consolidation, and into managing the economy for optimal outcomes.

The evidence that the reforms reduced distortions is reasonably clear. The harder question is whether price correction is being translated into competitiveness, exports, jobs, and bankable projects. In this review, therefore, we engage the report’s argument on its own terms and set out the execution architecture that would allow stabilisation to mature into transformation.

About Professor Adebayo Adedeji (1930 to 2018)
Professor Adebayo Adedeji was one of Africa’s foremost economists, public administrators, and institution-builders. He became a professor at 36 and was Nigeria’s first Professor of Public Administration, holding economics degrees from the University of London and a master’s in public administration from Harvard.

As Nigeria’s first Federal Commissioner for Economic Development and Reconstruction, he led post-war rebuilding and the planning machinery behind the Third National Development Plan (NDP), conceptualised the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) as an instrument of national unity, and was the principal Nigerian voice behind the Treaty of Lagos in 1975, and the institutional groundwork that later informed continental trade integration, earning lasting recognition as the Father of ECOWAS.

From 1975 to 1991, he served as Executive Secretary of the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, the longest tenure in that office, during which he authored the Lagos Plan of Action, the African Alternative Framework to Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAP), and the African Charter for Popular Participation. His enduring argument was that macroeconomic correction on its own stabilises accounts without transforming economies.

Why Adedeji’s Framework Still Matters
Professor Adebayo Adedeji occupies an unusual place in Nigeria’s intellectual history. The CFG report draws on Adedeji’s record to argue that his most durable contribution was not the scale of public spending he oversaw in the 1970s, but the proposition that national planning must connect political objectives, economic structure, and institutional execution. That record, from the development-planning machinery of the post-war period to his stewardship of African economic institutions, gives the argument unusual standing in the present debate. It is a claim about method as much as about money.

That proposition has aged well. Adedeji’s critique of orthodox structural adjustment was never a rejection of markets. It was an insistence that devaluation, liberalisation, and austerity, pursued without attention to employment, industrialisation, and social welfare, would leave African economies externally vulnerable and structurally narrow.

His African Alternative Framework, published in 1989, and the African Charter for Popular Participation, published in 1990, argued for growth with equity and homegrown solutions. Applied to Nigeria today, the framework supplies a discipline rather than nostalgia.

Stabilisation and Transformation Are Not the Same Outcome
The distinction at the heart of the report is straightforward in principle and demanding in practice. Stabilisation restores balance to prices, the exchange rate, and the fiscal accounts. Transformation changes what an economy produces, how competitively it produces, and how widely the gains are shared. The first can be achieved through policy correction within a budget cycle. The second requires sustained investment in capacity, institutions, and markets over many years.

The CFG report’s formulation is that Nigeria has advanced faster on stabilisation than on transformation. That reading is consistent with the available evidence. Reform has narrowed distortions and improved external perception without yet altering the production structure that leaves the economy dependent on imported inputs and a narrow export base.

READ>>> https://t.co/TE92UcjMK0 via @ecopoliticsNG @proshare

[Ahmad Sadiq @Ahmadsadeeq]

@Pharmacio001 Former Governor Ibrahim Shekarau wants to return to the senate

[Ahmad Sadiq @Ahmadsadeeq]

@StatiSense Baba Ahmed University, Kano (NW) - Yusuf Datti Baba Ahmad

Al-Istiqama University, Sumaila, Kano (NW) - Senator Kawu Sumaila

Capital City University, Kano (NW)- (Amb) Lt. Gen. (Rtd) Abdurrahman Dambazau

[Ahmad Sadiq @Ahmadsadeeq]

@KanoChronicle Lol. Only a court of law can declare him guilty

[Ahmad Sadiq @Ahmadsadeeq]

@Pressman2040 Wish you Goodluck. Send the idiot to hell, where he belongs

[Ahmad Sadiq @Ahmadsadeeq]

@StatiSense Can you bring up this same data for each of the 36 states and FCT? Will be glad to learn

[Ahmad Sadiq @Ahmadsadeeq]

@ankaboy They should at least inform and get clearance from security institutions of their mission.

[Hon. Mohammed Bello El-Rufai @B_ELRUFAI]

🇳🇬

[Ahmad Sadiq @Ahmadsadeeq]

@RaymondoTye @BashirAhmaad I called it common because the victims are just innocent civilians across states, regions, and religious groups. We should all rally to fight back whoever is involved. Few thousands can't get over 200m overwhelmed.

[Ahmad Sadiq @Ahmadsadeeq]

@kahuturarara Kai ne babban dakikin fa 🤣

[Ahmad Sadiq @Ahmadsadeeq]

@davido Ba abun da ya sani sai hauragiya 🤣

[Ahmad Sadiq @Ahmadsadeeq]

@davido 🤣🤣🤣

[Abduljalal Musa Aliyu @AbduljalaalMusa]

These are photos of primary health care centers in Kano, the same state that used 1.4 billion to marry off grown-ass men in the name of empowerment.

This is like refusing to observe your five daily prayers and then waking up in the middle of the night to pray Tahajjud. Allaah will be furious, not pleased, with you.

Misplaced priorities are one of our greatest undoings in this country.

But yes, people like Yasir Arafat say Southerners are angry about the mass wedding because it gives Northern Nigeria a voting advantage. I genuinely cannot wrap my head around how some of you think.

We are in crisis. We are the epicenter of poverty and illiteracy in this country, and both fuel insecurity. These are the issues we should be talking about. If we were a sensible people, we would demand that our governors address these problems before anything else.

[Ahmad Sadiq @Ahmadsadeeq]

@Nairametrics Security