Trump says Iran has been ‘pushing people around’ for 47 years. In that same 47 years, Iran started zero of the two wars it’s fought: Iraq invaded first in 1980, and the US and Israel opened this one on February 28 by killing Iran’s head of state. As for who’s got the credibility problem — CENTCOM spent the spring calling Iranian claims of downed U.S. aircraft ‘false’ and ‘disinformation,’ shot down flatly on X in real time. Then in May, Congress’s own nonpartisan research service tallied the real number: at least 42 U.S. aircraft lost or damaged in Operation Epic Fury, including F-15s, an A-10, seven KC-135 tankers, and 24 MQ-9 Reapers — a count the daily denials never came close to admitting until the paperwork forced it months later. That’s the pattern: deny in real time, correct the record when nobody’s watching. Whatever ‘winning’ means here, the receipts keep arriving late.
Rezaee isn’t boasting. He’s confessing. A real nuclear deterrent doesn’t need to be “defended” — it deters by existing, permanently, without a single sortie fired in its name. Iran doesn’t have that. Its supreme leader was martyred in his own bunker on February 28, and everything since — the tanker strikes, the blockade, the claim that Hormuz was seized by force and will be held by force — reflects a state leaning on the one lever available to it after choosing not to cross the nuclear threshold. This is the Price of the Umbrella thesis playing out in real time: Iraq had no bomb and was invaded, Gaddafi surrendered his and was hunted down, Ukraine handed over its warheads for paper guarantees and was invaded twice. A strait can be struck, blockaded, and reopened by whoever has the bigger navy. A warhead cannot. Rezaee’s own words made the point for us: the chokepoint exists because the deterrent doesn’t.
Been down a rabbit hole on Iran’s ethnic fault lines this week — Kurdistan alone absorbed a fifth of every strike in this war. Barely made it into Western coverage. New piece is up.
https://t.co/hAXJkeoFvP
https://t.co/cQ2DLvFW83
از تمامی ایرانیهای عزیز درخواست دارم در خصوص جزایر ما در جنوب کشور عزیزمان اسم درست و صحیح رو استفاده کنند.
لطفا از نام صحیح" بوموسی" استفاده کنید.
واژهی "ابوموسی" اشتباه است.
واژه اصلی " Boumouw " و شکل صحیح اسم این جزیره است. این واژه ریشه در امپراطوری عیلامی، ماد، هخامنشی، اشکانی و ساسانی دارد و این ریشه گواه آن است این جزیره نامی فارسی دارد نه عربی.
بوم سوز و یا بوموسو (Boumsou) را به خاطر داشته باشید تا همیشه در صحبت کردن بگویید بوموسی.
Our strategy has to be “the Strait without Oman,” because Iranian sovereignty over Hormuz is a product of geography and military deterrence, not a permission slip from Muscat. Oman is a weak actor operating in the shadow of American power, and its “strategic ambiguity” isn’t principled neutrality — it’s the calculated fear of a small state that doesn’t want to provoke Washington. Tying Iran’s sovereignty over its most critical point of leverage to the risk tolerance of a government like that means outsourcing a strategic decision to an actor that is itself subordinate to the regional hegemon’s will. In an anarchic international system, no serious power hands its vital deterrent lever over to the security calculations of a timid neighbor; Tehran alone pays the cost if Hormuz is lost, so Tehran alone must decide what happens to it. Oman’s caution is rational for Oman — but for Iran, it should be nothing more than a variable to route around, not a partner in policy-making.
انتقام آقای شهید ایران، #خواست_ملت ما است و بهطور حتمی باید صورت بگیرد. این جنایتکاران که فهرستی از صدر تا ذیلشان موجود است، آرزوی مرگی آرام و در بستر را با خود به گور خواهند برد.