@watchingferries Political and regulatory risk is manageable with stable policy, CfDs, and clear frameworks. Currency risk can be hedged. Investors routinely accept slightly lower returns for long-term certainty β risk isnβt a showstopper, itβs priced into investment.
1.Would Scotland be a net exporter as an independent nation?β
There are two very different meanings of βnet exporterβ:
Economic sense
β Does Scotland produce and sell more value than it buys?
Government budget sense
β Would an independent Scottish state run a deficit?
#GERS
@watchingferries Continuity isnβt based on a single law β banking, contract, and international rules all prevent sudden shutdowns. Assets on Scottish territory transfer by default; debt is negotiated separately. Independence is about agreement, not rUK leverage.
@watchingferries No β Iβm describing a trade-off. Returns fall because risk falls. Investors routinely accept lower returns for stable regulation, long-term contracts, guaranteed demand and premium resources. Thatβs standard infrastructure finance, not increased risk.
@watchingferries Switching off systems or bank access would be illegal and self-damaging to rUK markets.State succession prioritises continuity, not coercion. Leverage cuts both ways: energy, territory, treaties, Trident, credit ratings. Debt isnβt optional fantasy β itβs negotiated, not enforced
@watchingferries CfD strike prices reflect risk at the time (inflation, grid delays, supply chains), not a permanent floor. As risks fall and scale rises, prices drop β which is exactly what weβve seen over time. Stable policy lets the state capture more without killing investment.
@watchingferries Assets on Scottish territory donβt become switch-off buttons. Service continuity is the norm in state succession; systems arenβt cut as leverage without harming rUK too. rUK would agree terms because orderly separation protects its credit, treaties and markets βchaos helps no one
@watchingferries Investment isnβt perfectly elastic either. Wind goes where the resource, grid access and policy stability are β you canβt move Scotlandβs wind. High CfD bids reflect risk, inflation and grid delays, not proof returns canβt be regulated and still attract capital.
@watchingferries Investors donβt chase headline returns alone β they price risk, stability, and volume. Regulated utilities worldwide earn 5β7% and still attract capital. With long-term CfDs, stable demand, and world-class wind, a 6% return in Scotland remains investable.
@watchingferries That assumes a perfectly elastic market. Electricity isnβt. Scottish renewables are structurally cheaper and location-fixed. A levy set below the competitiveness margin captures surplus without stopping exports β exactly how CfDs already work.
@watchingferries Most state IT isnβt βmoveableβ in practice β itβs embedded in staff, data, law and institutions. Scotland already runs its own taxes and benefits on Scottish systems. Shared platforms arenβt switched off; continuity comes first, negotiation later.
@watchingferries Renewables already generate low-cost power; subsidies are just one financing tool β value capture can be done via levies, CfDs, or public ownership, not ending the industry. Energy infrastructure = grid, storage, interconnectors. Tech= software, data, green tech -not all UK-only
@watchingferries Scotlandβs leverage isnβt about forcing prices up β itβs about capturing surplus via policy: export levies, CfD reforms, or public ownership. Buyers still want cheap power, but the state can claim part of the economic rent without reducing competitiveness.
@watchingferries On independence, infrastructure within Scotland becomes Scottish assets. Roads, ports, energy systems donβt disappear β UK ownership only continues if explicitly agreed.
@watchingferries Strategic industries include renewables, energy infrastructure, and key tech sectors. CfDs can increase income by redirecting excess returns from low-cost renewables to the state, funding investment or reducing the deficit β policy design, not speculation.
@watchingferries Correct β exports β tax. The point is value capture: Scotland can turn energy exports into revenue through levies, CfDs, or public ownership. GERS only counts existing taxes, not the potential fiscal gains from policy.
@watchingferries Energy exports are counted in trade stats, yes, but GERS treats them under UK tax rules. The point isnβt double-counting β itβs that policy changes, levies, or public ownership could capture more value than current taxes reflect.