Dear Brothers in the Christian Nationalist Movement,
I'm writing to you as a brother who’s been on an eye-opening journey. Over the past eight months, I’ve undergone a profound shift in my thinking. As I've come to fully embrace nationalism in all its facets, I realized at some point that there was a large aspect of the nationalist conversation that wasn’t being discussed, and was even being avoided altogether. A point of contention among the brothers in this movement that seemed to get the blood boiling, but lacked the open and honest discourse the topic clearly deserves. It’s been a humbling road for me, and I want to invite you, especially my Southern brothers, to wrestle with some game changing truths I’ve been uncovering about the divide between the North and South—not to drive a wedge between us, but to unite us in a stronger, Christ-honoring America.
My path to this movement began with Stephen Wolfe’s The Case for Christian Nationalism. I came in as a postmillennial, theonomic libertarian, passionate about politics but blind to the tradition our forefathers built. Wolfe’s book was a breath of fresh air and a kick in the pants. It exposed so many lies I’d swallowed—lies about our history, our nation, and a cosmopolitan class that pushed a post-war consensus to hide the truth from us. Letting go of old convictions was tough, but I wanted to honor our ancestors by seeking what’s true, so I began digging into primary sources as we’re called to do.
At some point along the way, my studies led me to the topic of Hamiltonian economics or Protectionism, and I was surprised and excited by how much sense it made and what a vital piece of the puzzle it is in the whole picture of a Christian nation. It was one of those refreshing moments of clarity where a big layer gets peeled back, exposing the lies, and allowing me to see from a new perspective.
As I’ve explored this topic, I’ve come to see a strong Southern contingent among us. Southerners honor heroes like Robert E. Lee and Stonewall Jackson, fly the stars and bars with pride, and love your place fiercely. I share that love. My family traces through Texas, Tennessee, South Carolina, back to Jamestown, Virginia. The South’s spirit runs in my blood, and I care deeply for its good. But I’ve noticed a tension we need to address with honesty and care—a tension between claiming to be nationalist while still holding onto libertarian, decentralized ideals that have fractured our nation.
I believed these things myself only a matter of months ago, but I’ve come to see a contradiction that rightly called into question those beliefs. Nationalism, as forged by men like George Washington, Alexander Hamilton, John Jay, Henry Clay, Henry Carey, Abraham Lincoln, the Federalists, and the Whigs, is based on the concepts of unity, centralization, and protectionism. Protectionism is the economic policy of shielding our industries with tariffs and self-sufficient manufacturing so America can stand self-reliant, not dependent on foreign powers. Nationalism is not a buffet—you can’t pick and choose what parts of it you care about and which parts you don’t and still claim the mantle. To be a nationalist is to stand apart from the decentralized vision of Jefferson or the Old South, not because everything they stood for was wrong, but because it left us terribly vulnerable.
The Civil War is a wound we can’t ignore. It was brother against brother, a tragedy that still stings, especially for you, my Southern brothers. But we must face it, because it’s part of a larger story—a revolution for America’s independence that didn’t end in 1776. The Revolution, the War of 1812, and the Civil War were three acts in a struggle to break free from British control. The Revolution won political freedom; the War of 1812 defended it; the Civil War secured our economic sovereignty. Britain didn’t just fight us with armies—they used “free trade” to flood our markets with cheap goods, undermining our industries. The South’s economy, tied to slavery and trade with Rothschild-controlled Britain, became a pawn in their game, chained to dependency while Britain grew richer. The North’s push for protectionism wasn’t about crushing the South—it was about freeing all of America from foreign influence.
Look at the primary sources. Alexander Hamilton’s Report on Manufactures (1791) warned that without strong industries, America would remain Britain’s economic vassal. Henry Clay’s speeches on the American System in the 1820s and 1830s called for tariffs to protect our workers, North and South, from British dumping. Abraham Lincoln, in his 1860 letter to Edward Wallace, defended tariffs to ensure America’s self-sufficiency. Even Adolf Hitler, in Mein Kampf, praised Lincoln’s resolve to preserve national unity against division, seeing it as a model of strength—a testament to how Lincoln’s nationalism resonated far beyond our shores. These men saw what the South didn’t—that Britain’s “free trade” was a Trojan horse, and the South’s reliance on it enslaved it economically.
Our enemies don’t want us to know this history. They’ve fed us distortions to keep us divided—a liberal caricature of the North as woke crusaders or a libertarian myth of the South as freedom’s last stand, peddled by folks like Thomas DiLorenzo and the Mises Institute. They’ve lied about other eras too, like WW2, obscuring the truth about National Socialism to scare us away from nationalism itself. The JQ is a huge key to unlocking the revisionism of America’s history, pointing us to the cosmopolitan influences that have clouded our past. But dig into the sources, brothers, and you’ll find a third way—a nationalist tradition that’s been hidden from us, clear as day in the words of Washington, Clay, and Lincoln.
Why revisit wars from 160 years ago? Because the same choice faces us in 2025. Foreign influences—economic, cultural, political—are pulling at us again, just as Britain did then. My Southern brothers, I’m asking you to join me in embracing nationalism fully. Not to erase your pride or your place, but to see that our strength lies together. The South’s fierce spirit belongs in a nation that protects its borders, its industry, and its faith from those who’d exploit us. I know the Confederacy’s vision still calls to some of you, but it fractured us and left us open to foreign sway. Nationalism unites us, then and now.
This isn’t easy. The past carries pain, and change takes humility. But I’m confident we can do this. I see the fire in your hearts, the love for this land, the commitment to the Triune God. Let’s heal old divides, not by ignoring them, but by building something new—a nation where North and South stand as one, brothers under God, ready to face today’s challenges. Join me in this fight for a sovereign, united new American nation, and let’s honor our forefathers together.
In brotherhood and hope,
Dark Donnie
Our Founding Fathers wanted an aristocratic republic modeled on the Roman Republic. It wasn't until 50 years later, after they had all passed, that Jacksonian democracy changed that.
All of our Founders believed in departmentalism: each branch has an independent duty to interpret the Constitution. Washington, Jefferson, Hamilton, and later Lincoln all believed this. Judicial review has become judicial supremacy, which is a clear violation of coequal branches.
The guy @jonharris1989 brought on to discuss antisemitism works for The Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism.
On the Board of Directors is Abraham H. Foxman former head of the ADL from 1987-2015.
How does anyone take him seriously on the Right?
@JesusIsKing70AD@DogoodAnon@pintobeans It’s racial with a propositional element. It would be insane to try and deny this.
Boreing denies the racial aspect and Jon denies the propositional aspect.
We are animals (racial) but rational animals (propositional).
@ghetto0prah I’ve got 1/3 of my portfolio in RTTL, 1/3 in kalshi bets on Dan Bilzerian’s campaign, and 1/3 in Rockwells gas station, what’s the problem