So Mango People of Vishwaguru India,
What do you do when you have a biggg plane, lots of free time & public money, to travel all over the world and see famous places & statues?
You "POSE"
Stay on this thread to learn how to Pose like a star from Modi ji.
1. The Lincoln Kid
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Bro wanted to wear head boy sash in school.
Bro learned only 12th class student can be head boy.
Bro left school after 4th class.
Bro eat kasam to wear every available sash in the world when he grows up & become Vishwaguru
#PMModi
Where Will BJP Hide Shyama Prasad Mookherjee's Letter?
Sharing what @jawharsircar shared because I could not express it better:
Today, when the BJP government in West Bengal has declared an additional holiday to celebrating Shyama Prasad Mookherjee's birthday and obviously to raise him high on the pedestal, we may recall:
1. Shyama Prasad Mookherjee wrote a letter on 26th July 1942 in his capacity as Finance Minister in the Fazlul Haq cabinet that ruled Bengal in 1942.
2. Shyama Prasad Mookherjee told the British Governor Herbert that: "preserving internal order is essential because Japanese forces are advancing in Asia and Bengal faces serious military risks".
3. Shyama Prasad Mookherjee said he "anticipates that the Indian National Congress may launch a nationwide agitation" (this was written about two weeks before the Quit India resolution of 8 August 1942) ... "so anybody, (meaning the Congress) who during the war, plans to stir up mass feeling, resulting in internal disturbances or insecurity, must be resisted by any Government that may function for the time being."
4. Shyama Prasad Mookherjee insisted that "any movement producing widespread disorder during wartime would endanger Bengal, so the administration of the province should be carried on in such a manner that despite the best efforts of the Congress, this movement will fail to take root in the province."
5. Shyama Prasad Mookherjee contended that responsible provincial ministers should persuade the public that constitutional government (i.e. the British Imperial Govt) already provides Indians with meaningful participation in administration and therefore revolutionary agitation is unnecessary, because "the freedom for which the Congress has started the movement already belongs to the representatives of the people."
6. According to Shyama Prasad Mookherjee "there was no need for Independence from British Rule."
7. Shyama Prasad Mookherjee had no qualms in remaining out of the Freedom Struggle and ingratiating himself with British Imperial Rule and he went ahead to justify British Rule.
It is for people of India to consider whether this was betrayal of Mother India when she was in chains!
Bhai Hartosh,
I share your politics, and I am the last person to pull down someone on my own side. You open your piece on KPS Gill by admitting you cannot be unbiased. I respect the honesty.
But bhai, admitting you are the nephew is not the same as admitting where your evidence comes from. And your evidence has a problem you never mention.
Your table comes from the Institute for Conflict Management. Your key text, quoted at length and recommended to readers in its entirety, is Gill's own essay, Endgame in Punjab, published on https://t.co/EVbRVIWIyT, the website of that same institute.
The Institute for Conflict Management is your Mama's baby. He founded it. Who do you think we are?
You accuse Human Rights Watch of quoting Gill out of context, and your correction is what? Quoting Gill more fully, from Gill's own website, backed by Gill's own institute's numbers.
You told us you were the nephew. You did not tell us the data was the uncle's.
Second, Ribeiro. You dismiss Julio Ribeiro as a liberal favourite because he speaks against Modi today. Fine.
But you never mention that Gill was appointed Security Advisor to Chief Minister Narendra Modi in May 2002, right after Godhra, and later publicly defended Modi by putting the blame for the riots on the police and not on the political leadership.
If speaking about Modi today counts against Ribeiro, then working for Modi counts against your Mama. You cannot run the test on one man and give the other a pass.
Third, the cremations. You call the figure of 25,000 disappearances a fabrication, and on the data you may even be right.
But look at what your own correction concedes: roughly 7,650 unidentified cremations over eleven years. Your calculation, not mine.
Then you compare this to peacetime NCRB figures on unclaimed bodies. A beggar who dies on a railway platform and a man picked up from his home by the police; for you these are the same category of corpse?
Your whole NCRB comparison rests on one assumption: that the label "unidentified" was honest. That is exactly the assumption this case destroyed.
We saw it as recently as Covid. The Indian state does not hide bodies, it renames them on paper. That is why the world's excess-mortality estimates were many multiples of our official count. This is not hard to do in India today. In the 80s and 90s it was even easier.
And in Punjab it was not a suspicion, it was the finding. Executions were logged as encounters. Custody deaths were logged as escapes. The murdered were registered as unclaimed. You are citing the register to defend the man, when the register itself was the weapon.
And what sits under that register is not in dispute. The CBI confirmed 2,097 secret cremations at just three grounds in one district, and cremation workers testified that multiple bodies were often burned on firewood meant for one.
The Supreme Court called it a flagrant violation of human rights on a mass scale.
The NHRC identified 1,513 of those bodies and compensated their families, including 195 people who were in police custody immediately before they died.
Jaswant Singh Khalra, who found these bodies in the firewood registers, was abducted by the Punjab police and killed for it.
The Supreme Court upheld life sentences for the officers who did it. Not one of these facts appears in your article. Not one.
Your table of monthly killings does not answer any of this, because the charge against Gill was never the maths of the body count. It was what the state did in the dark, under his command. It was what he did in the shadows of bureaucratic cover.
And you know it. You write that accusations of custodial torture in Punjab are likely true, and that such excesses were just ordinary Indian policing. Read that sentence again, bhai.
You have admitted the torture. And your defence is that it happens everywhere. That is not a defence. That is a confession.
CONT+