@Iamkibe1@C_NyaKundiH I was replying in the context of your comment. The worker being assaulted wasn't contested as either a real issue or not, for avoidance of doubt it is.
That doesn't negate that your interpretation was wrong, implying that the worker is deemed not a "real worker" by the tweet.
@Iamkibe1@C_NyaKundiH "Real Workers Welfare" not "Real Workers" those two have different meaning, the first is the Workers issues while the later is persona which you've wrongly stated in your response.
@sholard_mancity These officers normally operate in designated areas, with full uniform, with GK vehicles parked aside. You actually know that you'll meet them at a specific place. They introduce themselves and then ask for identification and vehicle inspection. Khalid went there in a mission.
@mbuli_muth34692@BernardKavuli Nope, that is a multi agency terrorism and border patrol unit that has 4 check points along thika-garissa Highway. Very professional and disciplined unit. I have used that road almost every weekend for the last 6 years, and sijai experience what you are saying.
@DaudiGichana @C_NyaKundiH How did Kalonzo betray RAO. They were all presidential candidates working and campaigning against each other. Choosing to work with Kibaki can't be termed as betrayal as if they were together in the first place.
Daktari @DavidNdii are you referencing Harry Potter?? conjuring growth out of informality is a neat trick, but sadly not how GDP is measured.
Let’s unpack this.
1. Microeconomic Basics: Output, Productivity & Labor
Ndii argues that 3.5 million people in Jua Kali—ten times the formal manufacturing workforce—are not captured accurately by KNBS. Even if we accept that informal labor is undercounted (which is fair), the question isn’t just about headcount; it’s about value-added per worker. If 3.5 million people contribute so little to GDP, the logical conclusion isn’t that statistics are broken. It’s that productivity is abysmal.
Productivity = Output / Labor input.
And when Output is stagnant or declining—while labor input is ballooning—you’re not growing the sector. You’re padding inefficiency.
2. GDP Contribution: The Numbers Don’t Lie
Let’s talk facts. Kenya’s manufacturing sector has hovered around 7–9% of GDP over the last decade—well below the 15% target under Vision 2030. Under Kibaki, we saw structural reforms, industrial parks, and fiscal incentives aimed at value-chain integration.
Under Ruto, we’re seeing Twitter threads, phantom bottom-up theories, and tokenistic MSME summits.
If manufacturing was thriving, its share of GDP would be expanding, not contracting relative to sectors like services or real estate. You can’t bottom-up your way out of stagnation if all you’re producing is wheelbarrows and hustle psychology.
3. Political Economy: Labor Export is the Canary in the Coal Mine
If Kenya’s manufacturing sector was robust, we wouldn’t be aggressively signing bilateral labor export agreements to send our youth to wipe octogenarian backsides in Europe and serve as house help in Gulf states. That’s not “economic diplomacy.” That’s human capital flight in the absence of industrial absorption capacity. It’s the definition of a weak domestic labor market. The economy isn’t creating jobs with decent wages, security, or skill alignment—so the state is exporting desperation as a service.
4. Innovation Absorption? In What Market?
In functioning manufacturing ecosystems, the market signals (demand, prices, credit access) create incentives for innovation. But tell that to a young artisan in Kariobangi trying to scale production without access to working capital, IP protection, market linkages, or reliable electricity. The informal sector is surviving, not thriving—and pretending otherwise is economic gaslighting.
5. Ndii’s “Upperdeck Syndrome” is Just Trickle-down Revisionism
Ndii might accuse critics of living in the “upperdeck”, but his argument essentially rebrands trickle-down informality as resilience. No serious industrial policy anywhere in the world relies on informal production to anchor long-term growth. Not in Taiwan. Not in Vietnam. Not even in Bangladesh.
So let’s not insult our collective intelligence.
I submit:
If manufacturing isn’t shrinking, then maybe gravity isn’t real either. When your metrics don’t match your narrative, why not just blame the measuring tape? Economic development isn’t an illusionist’s game. We measure it in output, productivity, wages, employment absorption, export composition—not vibes from political advisers being pimped as economists.
@KTNNewsKE@StandardKenya@WilliamsRuto
@FauzKhalid If a place has no locals of different tribe from the dominant one, you want them to be elected from where exactly? Mombasa is a cosmopolitan city like Nairobi, Kisumu, and Uasin Gishu the same way. Meru is special for Indians coz we have local Indians who have settled over there
@Sontommy254 Timing to her ovulation is everything. Y sperms are faster than X sperms. Also, Y Sperms survive up to 2 days in the womb while X sperms survive up to 5 days. So to have a boy make sure you have sex 2 days prior n each day hadi ovulation day yake with deep penetration.
@bungomaduke@C_NyaKundiH It's very simple. Boardrooms sit in the same areas as offices. Mkisema mnaenda certain floor kwa ofisi fulani ni hivo. You just storm without issue. It's the easiest.
@yulawaka@ruddebwai@moneyacademyKE Yeah, sure. Recognition of prior learning is very important, and it will be beneficial to this cadre of citizens.
Of importance is making sure that employers and employer organisations embrace this cadre of employees to the formal sector as well.
@OgaroOgaro@RodgersKipembe Why force a student to get a loan, which the student shall pay or even be heavily penalised? Again, the loan is part of the fees payable. Also, there is nothing like upkeep from gvnt. It's an estimation by the institution to parents. So, in total, it's 244,800 payable by students
New scandal as a fresh report from the Auditor General reveals significant financial irregularities at KEMSA in 2021-2022
—Sh8.9 billion in cancer drugs diverted from KNH to private hospitals.
—Sh572 million in medical supplies sent to 275 fake health facilities.
—Sh56 million in health products issued to private hospitals, billed to the government.
—Sh867 million in health supplies distributed to 1,651 private facilities without proof of free distribution.