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Today's Market Overview || 4 Ashar, 2083
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Circular Gauge in Factory Talk Optix Studio #factorytalkoptixstudio #FTOptix #optix #RockwellAutomation #sudarktech #overview #FTOptix

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Today's Market Overview || 2 Ashadh, 2083
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Coming soon........ Option Button in Factory Talk Optix Studio #factorytalkoptixstudio #FTOptix #optix #RockwellAutomation #sudarktech #overview #FTOptix

Today's Market Overview || 1 Ashadh, 2083
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Communication between Studio 5000 Emulator and Factory Talk Optix Studio #factorytalkoptixstudio #FTOptix #optix #RockwellAutomation #sudarktech #overview #FTOptix #studio5000

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The Faema Faemina combines old-school espresso expertise with modern precision—kind of like a barista with a physics degree! Now available at a great price! Learn more:
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Today's Market Overview || 29 Jestha, 2083
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Taking the cable car up ride up to Chandragiri Hills Base Station 🚉
चन्द्रागिरि हिल्स केबल कार तल्लो स्टेसन
#weed #blunt #backwoods #cannabis #cannabiscommunity #overview #valley #nepal
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#overview ।। In the strategic history of India’s North East, few institutions reflect the evolution of frontier politics more clearly than the Naga Village Guard.
Created during the early years of the Naga insurgency, the Village Guard began as a local counterinsurgency structure operating under Indian state supervision. Over time, as the political landscape along the Indo Myanmar frontier changed, the institution took on a larger role. It became tied to local defence, ethnic territorial politics, and the long instability of one of South Asia’s most difficult border regions.
The history of the Village Guard is not only a security story. It also shows how Naga politics changed over decades. The region moved from hill autonomy movements to armed nationalism, then into ceasefire politics, and now toward a phase shaped more by ethnic competition and uncertainty across India and Myanmar.
The Village Guard system emerged from the difficult conditions of the Naga Hills during the 1950s.
After Indian independence, the rise of the Naga National Council under A. Z. Phizo turned the region into one of the earliest insurgency zones in postcolonial Asia. The Indian state quickly realised that military strength alone could not secure the hills. Control depended heavily on village loyalty.
The Naga Hills offered several advantages to insurgents. Dense forests, poor roads, scattered settlements, strong tribal loyalties, and open access to Burma now Myanmar, made state control difficult.
It was during this period that Bob Khathing became one of the key frontier administrators of the era.
A Tangkhul Naga officer with military and administrative experience, Khathing understood that influence in the hills depended less on occupying territory and more on entering village society itself. The Village Guard system reflected this thinking.
Instead of depending only on outside military forces, the Indian state organised local defence groups under official supervision. These units often worked alongside the Assam Rifles and district authorities.
The Guards were expected to defend villages, gather intelligence, maintain communication links, and deny insurgents safe shelter.
But their role was never purely military.
The Indian state also wanted to show that the insurgency did not command full support across Naga society.
The Village Guard system also reflected older patterns within Naga political culture.
Historically, many Naga communities functioned through highly autonomous village republics where defence responsibilities remained local. Authority was spread across clans and villages rather than concentrated under a central power. The village itself served as a political unit, a defensive structure, and a cultural boundary.
In that sense, the Indian state did not create the idea of village defence. It absorbed an existing social structure into a modern counterinsurgency system.
This partly explains why the model achieved some operational success during the early insurgency years. Local knowledge of terrain, clan networks, and movement routes gave village based units advantages that regular forces often lacked.
Credit: The Eastern Assam Journal
Read more: https://t.co/FhuBCuM89n
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@SkyNews @amnesty @AlexaT20109111 @ShlomoAfanasev @HenrietteLevy @LyllithB @markrudolph2701 @welt @WolfMalca @WolfReuter3 @JuedischeOnline @EYakoby @SZ @RonenSteinke @Arnd_Diringer @DIGeV_de @n1ckism @sophie_tann @Tieresindfreaks @Aizenberg55 @HonestReporting @DrMartinGak @IsraelinGermany @Israel @gaborsteingart @focusonline @MiRo_SPD @Jakob_Reimann @IDF @berlinerzeitung @MosabAbuToha @Ron_Prosor @torte81 @BfV_Bund @AP @CNN @UNLazzarini @CharlyEinstein @ntvde @uebermedien @BBCNews @_lnnen_WT @AmichaiChikli @DavidShuster #Overview including time frames:
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The claim that Israeli guards used trained dogs to rape Palestinian prisoners is being amplified everywhere.
The evidence? Two anonymous guards. No names. No dates. No video. No forensic evidence. No documentation.
Meanwhile, documented allegations of Hamas sexual violence, including on-camera confessions, UN findings, and testimonies from Gazan women, have received far less attention from the same outlets.
Anonymous hearsay gets amplified, and documented Hamas abuse gets ignored.
That choice tells you everything.
Today's Market Overview || 21 Baisakh, 2083
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