Ladan Boroumand

Co-founder of Abdorrahman Boroumand Center for Human Rights in Iran. Honorary Professor of History, University of Parma, Italy.
فحش و افترا بلاک میشود

[Ladan Boroumand @LadiKhanom]

What should we learn from the extraordinary Woman, Life, Freedom movement? And when I say “we,” I mean Iranians, both inside and outside Iran, but also Western democracies. This movement is rich in lessons, if only we take the time to reflect on what it has revealed.
https://t.co/Xx0ZqmrRAe

[Abdorrahman Boroumand Center @IranRights_org]

🔸سرگذشت کامل #محسن_رشیدی_خانی‌آبادی را در یادبود امید بخوانید.
https://t.co/8XYtw176lq

[Abdorrahman Boroumand Center @IranRights_org]

🔴پیکرش را پس از چهار روز جستجو در سردخانه باغ رضوان اصفهان پیدا
کردند. 

🔸محسن رشیدی خانی‌آبادی بزرگ‌ترین پسر خانواده بود؛ کودکی که پس از اعدام پدرش، خیلی زود وارد بازار کار شد و سال‌ها بار حمایت از خانواده را بر دوش کشید. بعدها که ازدواج کرد، سرپرستی دو دختر همسرش را نیز پذیرفت و به گفته نزدیکانش، میان آنها و دختر خودش هیچ تفاوتی نمی‌گذاشت.

🔸نهادهای امنیتی تلاش کردند خانواده را متقاعد کنند که او را «شهید» معرفی کنند و در مقابل وعده حمایت مالی دادند. خانواده این پیشنهاد را رد کردند و گفتند محسن آگاهانه برای اعتراض و مطالبه حقوق شهروندان به خیابان رفته بود.

[Abdorrahman Boroumand Center @IranRights_org]

🔴For the first time in nearly two years, states from across the world have come together at the UN Human Rights Council to condemn the Islamic Republic of Iran’s escalating use of the death penalty.

🔸In a joint statement delivered by Liechtenstein, 45 states sounded the alarm over the sharp rise in executions and death sentences in Iran—particularly against protesters and those exercising their fundamental rights.

🔸The statement comes amid an alarming escalation in the use of capital punishment following the January 2026 protests. At least 31 protesters have been executed, while dozens more have reportedly been sentenced to death or remain at imminent risk of execution.
The statement marks the first cross-regional joint statement on Iran since September 2024, renewing collective international scrutiny of Iran’s use of the death penalty.

🔸As executions continue at an alarming rate, sustained international attention matters.
“No one should face the fear of execution for exercising their rights”

[Abdorrahman Boroumand Center @IranRights_org]

🔴صدور و تایید احکام اعدام برای سه زن در پرونده‌هایی با اتهامات امنیتی، نگرانی‌ها درباره استفاده گسترده‌تر از مجازات اعدام علیه بازداشت‌شدگان و متهمان پرونده‌های سیاسی و امنیتی را افزایش داده است.

🔸محبوبه شعبانی در پرونده‌ای به اعدام محکوم شده که امدادرسانی و انتقال معترضان مجروح از جمله اقدامات منتسب به اوست. مژده هاشمی بازرگانی، که حکم اعدامش در دیوان عالی کشور تأیید شده، از شکنجه، اعتراف اجباری و محرومیت از وکیل انتخابی سخن گفته است. سودا ابراهیمی شمس‌آبادی نیز با اتهاماتی از جمله فعالیت رسانه‌ای و ارسال تصاویر برای رسانه‌های فارسی‌زبان خارج از کشور به اعدام محکوم شده است.

🔸هر سه زن با خطر اجرای حکم اعدام روبه‌رو هستند.

[Maryam Moqaddam مریم مقدم @MaryamMoqaddam]

اونجایی که مائو و استالین گوگل می‌کنند، فکت‌چک کنند کدومشون بیشتر آدم کشته 😅

[faribaRad @faribarad60]

لطفا این دادخواست را امضا کنید به اشتراک بگذارید

[Lawdan Bazargan @LawdanBazargan]

The irony is staggering. Seyed Hossein Mousavian represented the Islamic Republic in Germany during a period marked by the brutal assassinations of Iranian dissidents, including the Mykonos assassinations. A German court concluded that the Mykonos murders had been ordered at the highest levels of the Iranian state; evidence presented in the case also documented Iranian intelligence operations connected to diplomatic missions in Germany.

Mousavian also publicly defended Iran’s refusal to lift the fatwa against Salman Rushdie.

And now he is invited to discuss the protection of civilians? @ILA_official, did you examine his record before giving him this platform?

#FireMousavian
#StopIRILobby

[Mai Sato @drmaisato]

Imagine living through a war. Streets, buildings and neighbourhoods are being bombed. You see a place reduced to ruins by a strike and take a photograph — to keep a record, to remember, or to share with others what is happening. In Iran today, that photograph can become part of a case that ends in a death sentence.

This is what happened to Hassan Amiri after a photograph of a bombed site found on his phone became part of the basis for a case that led to a death sentence. Hassan and his twin brother Hossein were arrested in March 2026. They were reportedly tortured into confessing that further footage existed on a laptop they did not even own. Tried by Branch 26 of Tehran’s Revolutionary Court on charges of “collaboration with Israel”, they were sentenced to death. They remain in Ghezel Hesar Prison.

Espionage for Israel was already punishable by death in Iran under a 2020 law, but the 2025 espionage law (Law on Intensification of Punishment for Espionage and Cooperation with the Zionist Regime and Hostile States Against National Security and Interests), rushed through parliament after the twelve-day war in June 2025, goes much further. It attaches the death penalty to vaguely defined ‘operational actions’, ‘intelligence activity’ and even ‘direct or indirect assistance’ deemed to benefit hostile states. It criminalises sending films, images or information to foreign media, and the possession of satellite internet devices such as Starlink. Since the beginning of 2026, at least 11 people have been executed under the espionage law, and others face imminent execution.

When criminal provisions are drafted in broad and ambiguous terms, their application becomes especially dangerous in politically charged times. No emergency, no conflict, no security claim can justify putting people to death for taking photographs or sharing information. And allegations of national-security offences do not suspend the requirements of evidence, due process, fair trial and protection from torture. Together with other UN experts, I have urged the Iranian authorities to suspend this law.

My mandate’s communication about Hasan and Hosein Amiri case:
https://t.co/JHp1VFNaMU
No response has yet been received from the Iranian authorities.

My mandate’s communication on the 2025 espionage law
https://t.co/z8CmbwxFKl

[Abdorrahman Boroumand Center @IranRights_org]

🔴برای نخستین بار در نزدیک به دو سال گذشته، کشورهایی از نقاط مختلف جهان در شورای حقوق بشر سازمان ملل متحد گرد هم آمده‌اند تا تشدید استفاده جمهوری اسلامی ایران از مجازات اعدام را محکوم کنند.

🔸در بیانیه‌ای مشترک که از سوی لیختن‌اشتاین قرائت شد، ۴۵ کشور نسبت به افزایش شدید اعدام‌ها و صدور احکام اعدام در ایران هشدار دادند؛ به‌ویژه علیه معترضان و افرادی که از حقوق بنیادین خود استفاده می‌کنند.
این بیانیه در شرایطی منتشر شده که پس از اعتراضات ژانویه ۲۰۲۶، استفاده از مجازات اعدام به شکل نگران‌کننده‌ای افزایش یافته است. دست‌کم ۳۱ معترض اعدام شده‌اند و بنا بر گزارش‌ها، ده‌ها نفر دیگر به اعدام محکوم شده یا در معرض خطر قریب‌الوقوع اجرای حکم قرار دارند.

🔸این نخستین بیانیه مشترک فرامنطقه‌ای درباره ایران از سپتامبر ۲۰۲۴ تاکنون است و بار دیگر توجه جمعی جامعه بین‌المللی را به استفاده ایران از مجازات اعدام معطوف می‌کند.

🔸در شرایطی که اجرای احکام اعدام همچنان با نرخی نگران‌کننده ادامه دارد، تداوم توجه و فشار بین‌المللی اهمیت دارد.
«هیچ‌کس نباید به دلیل استفاده از حقوق خود، با ترس از اعدام روبه‌رو شود.»

[Lawdan Bazargan @LawdanBazargan]

دوستان، لطفاً به این پست بروید ⬇️ و در زیر آن درباره کارنامه سید حسین موسویان و دوران مسئولیت او در جمهوری اسلامی بنویسید؛ از جمله دوره سفارت او در آلمان که با ترور میکونوس و دیگر اقدامات جمهوری اسلامی علیه مخالفان در اروپا هم‌زمان بود. دادگاه میکونوس نیز مسئولیت این ترورها را متوجه بالاترین سطوح حاکمیت جمهوری اسلامی دانست.

از @ILA_official بخواهید درباره این سوابق پاسخ‌گو باشد و در دعوت از موسویان برای سخنرانی درباره «حفاظت از غیرنظامیان در مخاصمات مسلحانه» تجدیدنظر کرده و دعوت او را پس بگیرد. صدای خانواده‌های قربانیان و ایرانیانی باشید که سال‌ها از سرکوب فرامرزی جمهوری اسلامی آسیب دیده‌اند.
#FireMousavian
#StopIRILobby

[Mai Sato @drmaisato]

For Kurds, Baluch, Ahwazi Arabs, Azerbaijani Turks and Turkmen, discrimination extends from restrictions on language rights to ethnic stereotyping in State media. Economic marginalization, land confiscation and environmental degradation have further deepened poverty in many minority regions. Many Baluch are denied a shenasnameh (identity booklet), limiting access to education, healthcare and formal employment. Kurdish kolbars and Baluch sukhtbars often rely on cross-border transport of goods and fuel for their livelihoods. Environmental mismanagement has displaced communities across minority regions, including Kurdish, Arab, Baluch, Turkmen and Gilak areas, while Azerbaijani Turks continue to experience the consequences of environmental degradation around Lake Urmia. Religious minorities face similar forms of exclusion. Baha'is are effectively barred from higher education and public employment and, like Christian converts, have long been portrayed as security threats. Sunni Muslims and Yarsan remain excluded from public office.

This broader context is essential to understanding death penalty cases involving minorities. Discrimination does not end at the gates of the criminal justice system; it can affect arrest, detention, trial and sentencing, including in capital cases.

Ethnic minorities facing capital charges often encounter additional barriers to a fair trial, including inadequate interpretation during interrogations and court proceedings, allegations of torture and other ill-treatment aimed at extracting confessions, and prosecutions on national security charges often unsupported by credible evidence.

The case of Farhad Baranzehi, a young Baluch man, reportedly sentenced to death for baghy without a lawyer present, raises concerns regarding allegations of torture and other serious fair trial violations. Hatem Özdemir, a Turkish national of Kurdish ethnicity, was reportedly denied interpretation during critical stages of proceedings that resulted in a death sentence for baghy. Yousef Ahmadi, a Kurdish man from Baneh, has alleged extremely violent torture and denial of medical care following his arrest. Similar concerns have been reported in the cases of Rauf Sheikh-Maroufi, Mohammad Faraji and Mohsen Eslamkhah, three Kurdish men sentenced to death in connection with the Woman, Life, Freedom protests. At the time of writing, none of these death sentences has been carried out, and the individuals concerned remain at imminent risk of executions.

Documented patterns of ethnic and religious discrimination, combined with recurring allegations of torture, coerced confessions and fair trial violations in individual cases, raise serious concerns about the application of the death penalty to minority groups in Iran. Capital cases already warrant the most exacting scrutiny under international human rights law. These factors demand compelling grounds for particularly rigorous scrutiny of capital cases involving members of ethnic and religious minorities.

My Mandate’s communication on Hatem Özdemir
https://t.co/Py3sEwKeoW
Government’s response: https://t.co/1SB6BOsY2L

My Mandate’s communication on Farhad Baranzehi
https://t.co/JHp1VFNaMU
Government’s response: not yet received

My Mandate’s communication on Yousef Ahmadi, Raouf Sheikh-Maroufi, Mohammad Faraji and Mohsen Eslamkhah
https://t.co/rqu2DgODb8
Government’s response: https://t.co/ONbSNWgafr

[Abdorrahman Boroumand Center @IranRights_org]

🔸Read the stories of some of the victims of “Zahedan’s Bloody Friday” on the Omid Memorial.

https://t.co/e0ScTQonsT

https://t.co/Nzs0Cva4D4

[Abdorrahman Boroumand Center @IranRights_org]

🔴Four years have passed since “Zahedan’s Bloody Friday,” a day when many families across Sistan and Baluchestan lost loved ones and hundreds of others were injured.

🔸In the years since the killings, victims’ families have sought not only to identify the officers who opened fire on protesters and worshippers, but also to hold accountable the officials who ordered the crackdown.

🔸Yet the judicial proceedings have been marked by restrictions on families, witnesses, and lawyers. According to Molavi Abdolhamid, those who ordered the killings, as well as members of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and Basij involved in the violence, have never been held to account.

[Behnam Ben Taleblu بهنام بن طالب لو @therealBehnamBT]

While the media focuses on US comments to Iran's 7-point proposal to avert the resumption of war, this is the real war they are missing: the war from the state against the street and the massacring of Iranians for trying to be stewards of their own destiny.

[Kyrylo Loukerenko @K_Loukerenko]

I could hear more explosions outside. The Russian drone attack on Kyiv is going on.

[Reza Pahlavi Communications @PahlaviComms]

Warning Regarding Fraudulent Emails

We have become aware that fraudulent emails have been sent to a number of individuals, activists and journalists under the fabricated name “Iran in 2035,” falsely claiming to represent Prince Reza Pahlavi.

No team, project or official initiative under this name has been established or authorized by Prince Reza Pahlavi or his Secretariat. Invitations to a purported private gathering are also fraudulent and unauthorized.

Recipients are advised not to respond, click any links, open attachments or provide the senders with any personal, financial or professional information.

All official invitations and communications will be issued exclusively through verified official channels.

[Roya Boroumand @RoyaBoroumand]

Thank you @HNeumannMEP for standing by the people of Iran who cannot participate in Iran’s political life and elect their true representatives, unless they support the undemocratic tenets of the Islamic Republic.

[Abdorrahman Boroumand Center @IranRights_org]

🔴Iran Executed Ali Hemmati Sistanian and Majid Nikandish

🔸The Islamic Republic’s judiciary announced the execution of Mr. Ali Hemmati Sistanian, son of Hassan, and Mr. Majid Nikandish, son of Mohammad Ebrahim, two individuals arrested in connection with the nationwide protests of Dey 1404 in Mashhad. Their death sentences were carried out early today after being upheld by the Supreme Court. The location of the executions was not disclosed.

🔸Citing what it described as the men’s “confessions,” the judiciary-affiliated media claimed that Mr. Ali Hemmati Sistanian and Mr. Majid Nikandish were involved in the protests of January 8, 2026, in the Tabarsi area of Mashhad. According to the judiciary, four security personnel were killed during those events.

🔸According to Mizan, following the completion of the investigation, the defendants were tried in the presence of their lawyers and sentenced to death, with the verdicts later upheld by the Supreme Court. However, no independent information has been published regarding the conditions of their interrogations, the circumstances under which the confessions wereobtained, the conduct of the court proceedings, their effective access to legal counsel, or the evidence relied upon by the court. The specific court that heard the case and the location of the executions have also not been disclosed, and the judiciary’s claims have not been independently verified.

[Mai Sato @drmaisato]

Mohsen Eslamkhah, a Kurd from Bukan, was 16 when the Woman, Life, Freedom protests began in 2022. Like many other young people, he took to the streets to call for freedom, dignity and change. In February 2026 a Revolutionary Court sentenced him to death for moharebeh (enmity against God) for acts alleged to have taken place when he was a child. He remains on death row.

International law leaves no room here. Key treaties ratified by Iran prohibit the death penalty for offences committed under 18.  Mohsen is not alone. My mandate has received reports of others facing execution for offences allegedly committed when they were children.

Four years on, many young people once again took to the streets, calling for a better future they felt was slipping away from them. Shervin Bagherian Jebeli was one of them. He had turned 18 days only days before security forces raided his home in Isfahan at night in January 2026. His family heard nothing for a week. Then State television aired his confession, recorded under interrogation, before any trial. In it, he is told he is charged with moharebeh. He does not appear to know what the word means. He was sentenced to death with 11 others in a single closed hearing, with no clarity as to what each is accused of doing. He remains on death row.

The rule on children exists because young people are developing and capable of change, and that does not stop on a birthday. The death sentences against Mohsen and the others who were children at the time are prohibited outright. Shervin’s case should make us deeply uneasy: a death sentence for a boy who had been an adult for a matter of days. But his age is not the only reason he should not be executed. A week of enforced disappearance, an apparently coerced confession broadcast before trial, and a closed hearing that never said what he personally is accused of having done are each reason enough.

Respecting the prohibition on executing children is the least Iranian authorities can do; halting these executions is what the authorities must do. A young person’s future should not end with a death sentence.

My Mandate’s Communication on Mohsen Eslamkhah
https://t.co/rqu2DgODb8
Response by the Iranian authorities
https://t.co/ONbSNWgafr

My Mandate’s communication on Shervin Bagherian Jebeli
https://t.co/xH7oBA1Av1
Response by the government received but not published yet. It will be available here later today - https://t.co/JJpsRdZ6Fp

[Mai Sato @drmaisato]

زمانی که اعتراضات سراسری «زن، زندگی آزادی» در سال ۱۴۰۱ آغاز شد، محسن اسلام‌خواه، کرد و اهل بوکان، ۱۶ ساله بود. او نیز مانند بسیاری از جوانان دیگر با مطالبه آزادی، کرامت و تغییر به خیابان‌ها آمد. در بهمن ۱۴۰۴، دادگاه انقلاب او را به اتهام محاربه به اعدام محکوم کرد. این اتهام مربوط به اقداماتی است که انتساب آنها به محسن مربوط به زمانی است که او کودک بوده است. محسن هم‌چنان در انتظار اجرای حکم اعدام به سر می‌برد.
حقوق بین‌المل\ل در این زمینه جای هیچ ابهامی نمی‌گذارد. معاهدات کلیدی بین‌المللی که ایران هم به آنها پیوسته است، اعدام افرادی را که جرم منتسب به آنان زمانی ارتکاب یافته که زیر ۱۸ داشته‌اند، ممنوع می‌کند. محسن تنها نیست. ماموریت من گزارش‌هایی درباره افراد دیگری نیز دریافت کرده است که به دلیل جرایمی که در دوران کودکی مرتکب شده‌اند، با خطر اعدام مواجه‌اند.
چهار سال بعد، بار دیگر بسیاری از جوانان به خیابان‌ها آمدند و خواستار آینده‌ای بهتر شدند، آینده‌ای که احساس می‌کردند دارد از دستشان می‌رود. شروین باقریان جبلی، یکی از آنها بود. او تنها چند روز پیش از آنکه نیروهای امنیتی در دی ۱۴۰۴ شبانه به خانه‌اش در اصفهان یورش ببرند، ۱۸ ساله شده بود. خانواده‌اش به مدت یک هفته هیچ خبری از او نداشتند. سپس تلویزیون دولتی اعترافات او را که در جریان بازجویی ضبط شده بود، پیش ازبرگزاری دادگاه پخش کرد. در این اعترافات به او گفته می‌شود که به محاربه متهم شده است. شروین حتی معنای این واژه را هم نمی‌دانست. او به همراه ۱۱ نفر دیگر در یک جلسه دادگاه غیرعلنی به اعدام محکوم شد. روشن نیست هریک از این افراد دقیقا به انجام چه عملی متهم شده‌اند. شروین نیز هم‌چنان در انتظار اجرای حکم اعدام است.
ممنوعیت اعدام کودکان به این دلیل است که جوانان در حال رشد هستند، و توانایی تغییر و اصلاح دارند. این مساله با رسیدن به یک روز مشخص درتقویم و تولد ۱۸ سالگی متوقف نمی‌شود. احکام اعدام صادر شده علیه محسن و دیگر افرادی که در زمان وقوع اعمال منتسب به آنان کودک بوده‌اند،مطلقا ممنوع است. حکم اعدام شروین هم باید همین‌قدر مورد توجه قرار گیرد: حکم اعدام برای پسری که تنها چند روز از بزرگسال شدن او گذشته بود. اما سن او تنها دلیلی نیست که نباید اعدام شود. یک هفته ناپدیدشدگی قهری، اعترافی که ظاهرا تحت اجبار گرفته شده و پیش از محاکمه از تلویزیونپخش شده است، و جلسه غیرعلنی دادگاه بدون شفافیت در مورد اقدام شخصی هر متهم، هریک به تنهایی دلیل کافی برای مخالفت با اجرای این حکم هستند.
رعایت ممنوعیت اعدام کودکان حداقل کاری است که ایران می‌تواند انجام دهد. ایران باید این اعدام‌ها را متوقف کند.
آینده یک جوان نباید با حکم اعدام به پایان برسد.
مکاتبه من در مورد محسن اسلام‌خواه
https://t.co/rqu2DgODb8
پاسخ مقامات ایران
https://t.co/ONbSNWgafr
مکاتبه من در مورد شروین باقریان جبلی
https://t.co/xH7oBA1Av1
پاسخ مقامات ایران دریافت شده است، اما هنوز آماده انتشار نیست. به زودی در اینجا منتشر خواهد شد:
https://t.co/JJpsRdZ6Fp