Ankara Rockets🚀

[Ankara Rockets🚀 @LPostak]

Din elden gidiyeah bunun sonu camilerimizin avrupadaki kiliseler gibi spor salonu yüzme havuzu olarak kullanılması😡

[Whackeen @Readerbell_]

Is push ups in Istanbul mosques a canon event? 😭

[BİRCAN YILDIRIM @BYYILDIRIM_]

Nato geliyor!

🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣

Muhteşem bir anlatım olmuş.

[Ankara Rockets🚀 @LPostak]

@DerinBeker @EpiroteReport Türk olarak nerden biliyon aq😂

[Ankara Rockets🚀 @LPostak]

@kamilfb9 @OttomanArchive Google haritalarda aradım buldum Cağaloğlu meslek lisesi olarak kullanılıyor yapı📝

[Ankara Rockets🚀 @LPostak]

@kamilfb9 @OttomanArchive Ayakta mı şu anda yapı?

[Sebastian Trudeau (Yeni) @sonkezchpal]

Sir, We are not fakir sir...

We have atlı polis, we have yeni havalimanı...

[Ankara Rockets🚀 @LPostak]

@NebesnayaDusha Whats happening? are they on the road for janissary qualifications??

[Ankara Rockets🚀 @LPostak]

@gsli_skerten @hedefCL @EurohoopsTR @mundodeportivo 5 seneye görürsün kim kimi yendi GS basketin kadro değeri Beko nun 2 katı olunca

[Ankara Rockets🚀 @LPostak]

@kemalsalvoo @siznediyor Sen ��ok üzülüyosundur ya bu hayatta hayal kırıklıkların falan iri iri oluyodur senin

[Ankara Rockets🚀 @LPostak]

@SalihKa68367338 Fizik diyosan o işin uzmanı Amerikalılar. Aday Mara kürdan gibi gitti enine 2 kat genişlemiş bizim Berke öyle. Ben eskiden gitsinler diyodum ama bizimkilere yaramıyor kolej bilmiyorum

[Ankara Rockets🚀 @LPostak]

@SalihKa68367338 Ncaa yapmalı mı sence Ömer?

[Ankara Rockets🚀 @LPostak]

@SalihKa68367338 Daha önce bu konudaki duruşunu ifade etmişti Ergin, Euroleague oyuncu yetiştirme yeri değil onun için rekabet yüksek tecrübe önemli. Bugünkü açıklamasina aldanmamalı hiç yaptığı bişey değil EuroBasket 22de Alperen'i bile oynatmamıştı

[hermes | jeopolitik @hermes_z]

Those who erase 1963 have no credibility when talking about 1974.

You cannot explain Cyprus by starting the story in 1974.

The real question is why 103 Turkish Cypriot villages were attacked, why thousands of Turkish Cypriots were forced into enclaves covering barely 3% of the island, and why hundreds were killed between 1963 and 1974.

The answer is simple: Enosis.

The Akritas Plan was not a Turkish invention. It was a blueprint prepared by Greek Cypriot leaders to dismantle the constitutional partnership, neutralize Turkish Cypriot resistance and ultimately unite the island with Greece.

"Bloody Christmas" in December 1963 was not an isolated incident.
It marked the beginning of an organized campaign that devastated not only Turkish Cypriots but also Greek Cypriots who opposed extremism and endless conflict.
Enosis brought fear, displacement and authoritarian violence to both communities.

For years, these facts have been deliberately buried beneath a narrative that begins in 1974, because acknowledging 1963 also means acknowledging why 1974 happened.

Türkiye's 1974 intervention was not an act of conquest.
It was carried out under the rights granted by the Treaty of Guarantee to stop further bloodshed and prevent the destruction of the Turkish Cypriot community.

The clearest proof lies in what followed. Since 1974, despite political disagreements, the island has not witnessed another episode of intercommunal mass bloodshed.
The presence of Turkish forces has preserved a balance that prevented Cyprus from returning to the violence of the 1960s.

Those who endlessly demand the withdrawal of Turkish troops while remaining silent about the atrocities that made their deployment necessary should first explain what security arrangement they propose to prevent history from repeating itself.

[dr. serkan j. inci @srkninci]

Turkey has been part of the F-35 program from the start.

I’ve never heard Turkish officials or the Turkish diaspora say, “Don’t give these jets to Greece.”

But Greeks, who had nothing to do with producing these jets, spend all day campaigning to make sure Turkey doesn’t get them.

That pretty much sums up the difference in mindset between the two nations.

[TRT World @trtworld]

A Greek court verdict against four Turks of Western Thrace has put the spotlight once again on Athens’ systematic abuse of minority rights guaranteed under the Treaty of Lausanne
🔗 https://t.co/5NvXgEyaid

[Ankara Rockets🚀 @LPostak]

@ozgurRakun @OuzhanSancak12 @suatozcelebi Nato zirvesi her yıl bi ülkede toplanmaz hususi seçilir gerizekalı şizofren😂

[Sezen Ada @bluemoonyellows]

June 27, 1944. The Town Square of Paramithia. Early Morning.

An elderly cleric. A merchant. A farmer. No weapons in their hands. No crime to their name. Only Chams a people who had lived, died, and prayed on these lands for centuries. That morning, EDES militiamen herded them into the square. Approximately 70 to 75 people were lined up. An order was given. Shots rang out.
This is one scene from the Cham Genocide.
Only one.

Not the Germans. EDES.
For decades, the Greek state and its historiography defended a single thesis: “The Germans massacred the Chams not us.” This claim went largely unquestioned in Western public discourse. But the archives in London, the United Nations refugee records, and the field reports of the British Special Operations Executive (SOE) dismantle this lie in their own words, with their own dates.
British SOE officer Colonel Christopher Woodhouse and Major John Henniker-Major were both physically present in the Epirus region. Both recorded the same finding: The massacres began immediately after the withdrawal of German forces. The perpetrators were EDES. Woodhouse documented that he personally asked Zervas, repeatedly: “Why are you burning unarmed villages instead of fighting the Germans?” Zervas gave no answer. Because the Germans were never the target. The objective was to ensure that the Cham Albanians could never return to these lands.
EDES was commanded by Napoleon Zervas. His officers are documented: Komninos Pyromaglou, Dimitrios Kitrilakis all Greek officers, all documented commanders of documented operations. Not a single one was ever tried.

The Muslims of Lausanne: Greece’s Selective Memory
A critical legal contradiction must be named here.
The 1923 Treaty of Lausanne placed the Muslim minorities of Greece under international protection. The concept used by the Treaty is not ethnic it is religious: Muslim. This umbrella covers not only Turks, but all Muslim communities within Greek borders including Albanian Muslims.
Yet Greece invokes this concept only when it serves its interests, and discards it when it does not.
When it comes to the Turkish minority in Western Thrace, Greece’s position is consistent: “They are not Turks they are Muslims.” Greece rejects their ethnic identity, recognizes only their religious identity, and uses this reinterpretation of Lausanne to narrow the rights of the Turkish minority.

And the Cham Albanians? They were also Muslim. They also fell under the Treaty of Lausanne’s protective framework. But in 1944 they were massacred and expelled. In 1947 and 1953, they were stripped of citizenship by legislative decree. Not a word of Lausanne was invoked on their behalf.
So for Greece, the category of “Muslim” is an instrument of state policy: deployed to erase Turkish identity when convenient, shelved entirely when Albanian Muslim lives are at stake. This is not inconsistency. It is a coherent and deliberate double standard.

Systematic Atrocity: Village by Village, Mosque by Mosque
Paramithia was only the beginning. In Filiates, more than 600 civilians were massacred by the same method: gather, line up, shoot. Those too old or too frail to flee were locked inside their homes, which were then set ablaze. British officers who later surveyed the area wrote in their reports: “Not a trace of the village remained. Everything was ash.”
The survivor testimonies collected by the Albanian State Commission are still readable today. One woman recounted: “They took my baby from my arms. They bayoneted him in front of my eyes.” An eighty-year-old man was shot dead on the road as he tried to escape.

Systematic rape was documented described by Woodhouse himself as “organized and widespread.” Mosques were first turned into weapons depots, then into makeshift prisons: civilians were locked inside, left without food or water, and those who survived were dragged out and executed.
This was not the unavoidable brutality of war. This was a planned extermination.
The Death March: 27,000 People, Winter, the Mountains
Those who survived the initial massacres estimated between 25,000 and 30,000 people were driven toward the Albanian border. They were permitted to take nothing. Mid-winter. Barefoot. Starving. EDES militias harassed the columns throughout the march, shooting those who fell behind.

UNRRA (United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration) officials registered the refugees as they crossed the border. The language of their reports was clinical; the content was not: severe frostbite, gangrene, acute malnutrition, deaths en route. International researchers estimate the total death toll from the march at between 3,000 and 5,000.
These were not numbers. These were people.
Homes, Lands, Olive Groves Everything Taken
What did they leave behind? Everything. Thousands of homes. 9,500 acres of agricultural land. 68 olive groves. Livestock. Belongings. Memory. All of it passed into the control of the Greek state.

That was not enough. Through laws enacted in 1947 and 1953, the Cham Albanians were collectively stripped of their citizenship on charges of “collaboration with the enemy.” This was not an individual trial. An entire people was declared guilty by a single legislative stroke. The confiscation of their property was given legal cover. The right of return was extinguished. International law has a precise term for this: collective punishment. A war crime.

Erasing the Traces: As Though They Never Existed
What followed the massacres was the quietest, longest-lasting form of violence: the erasure of history.
Historic mosques were leveled by artillery or burned to the ground. Tombstones bearing Ottoman and Albanian inscriptions were bulldozed, smashed, and used as road-paving material. New buildings were constructed atop the foundations of destroyed homes. Place names were changed. Today, it is nearly impossible to find a Muslim cemetery in Chameria.
The goal was not only to expel a people. The goal was to prove that they had never existed there at all. To erase the memory of the land itself. To destroy every trace in stone, in mud, in marble.
A people was dispossessed not only of their land, but of their history.

The Archives Do Not Stay Silent
Greece, to this day, does not officially recognize these events. The “Germans did it” narrative still occasionally resurfaces. But the British National Archives at Kew Gardens are open. The SOE field reports are declassified. The UNRRA documents are accessible in digital archives. Woodhouse’s memoir is in print. The United Nations refugee records have not disappeared.
The archives do not stay silent. And what they say is this: This was a planned genocide. The perpetrators were known. They had names. They had ranks. And they were never held to account.

Today, on June 27th, we stand in solidarity with the Albanian people and carry this profound grief alongside them.
We do not know the names of those shot in the square at Paramithia. But they were there. We cannot see the faces of those killed at Filiates. But they lived. We cannot read the names of the children who froze to death in the mountains. But they existed.
The tombstones were smashed. The mosques were burned. The archives were suppressed. But memory stands in a place no bulldozer can reach.
In Chameria, a people was massacred, expelled, and erased. And the world, by and large, looked away, fell silent, and forgot.
We do not forget. We carry this grief. And it is our duty despite those who would bury it to bring this history into the light.
The Cham martyrs will not be forgotten. Chameria will not be forgotten.
#ChamGenocide #Chameria #EthnicCleansing #ArchiveDocuments #HistoricalMemory #TreatyOfLausanne #CrimesAgainstHumanity

[kos_data @kos_data]

🇦🇱🇬🇷 The Albanian Parliament held a special session to commemorate the 82nd anniversary of the Çam genocide committed by Greece.

The session featured testimonies from genocide survivors and a cultural performance by Albanians from the region