Czytam, że internet zidentyfikował i zlokalizował śmiecia ze Złotych Tarasów w mniej niż 48 godzin. Brawo internet.
Tymczasem stołeczna policja średnio była chętna do działania. Następnego dnia po ataku ofiara sama zgłosiła się na komisariat. Równocześnie ochrona centrum handlowego udostępniła nagrania z monitoringu.
I co? I nic. Przez dwa miesiące służby palcem nie kiwnęły.
Zawsze powtarzam: widzimy u nas zalążki tego, co na Zachodzie. Opieszałość policji albo wręcz niechęć do interweniowania w przypadku, gdy sprawcami przestępstw są kolorowi, beżowo-brązowo-czarni imigranci.
@TheGloriousLion Being Polish myself I wish my nation stopped hating Germans, we all simply have same problems and should tackle them together. Taking part of n this victimhood display is embarrassing.
No other Indo-European tradition rivals Hellenism in its written legacy, philosophical depth, or civilisational influence. From Homer and Plato to Alexander and the Roman world, the Hellenic inheritance endured into the Italian Renaissance, enriched by Greek scholars and manuscripts from Constantinople, before inspiring the cultural and intellectual revivals of Europe that followed, forming an unbroken chain of thought, culture, and civilisation.
Hellenism shaped Europe's literacy, philosophy, law, institutions, science, literature, and art, creating a civilisation that united the sacred with reason, beauty, courage, and excellence. It was never merely a system of worship, but a complete way of life. The Gods were not distant beings to be feared, but divine realities to be contemplated, honoured, and embodied through virtue. Hellenic philosophy did not diminish religion. It elevated it to its highest expression.
If Europe's ancestral traditions are to flourish again, Hellenism must stand at the core of their renewal. Every ancestral tradition possesses its own dignity and heritage, but Hellenism forged the civilisational foundation upon which Europe was built. When Hellenism rises, it restores the shared inheritance through which Europe's ancestral traditions can flourish once more.
Two Jewish brothers from Hamburg. One sat on the board of the Federal Reserve. One sat on the board of Germany's central bank. Then their countries went to war. The institution one of them designed is called the Federal Reserve. It is not federal. It has no reserves. And the US government does not own it.
In November 1910 six men boarded a private railway car in New Jersey under assumed names. They told no one where they were going. They used first names only among themselves. They traveled to a remote barrier island off the coast of Georgia called Jekyll Island, checked into an exclusive private club whose members included the Vanderbilts, the Rockefellers, and the Morgans, and spent nine days in secret writing the legislation that would become the Federal Reserve Act of 1913 and create the central banking system that controls the American economy to this day.
The meeting was not admitted to have occurred until the 1930s, nearly twenty years after it happened. It is now documented on the Federal Reserve's own official history website. It is also almost never taught in American schools.
The most remarkable figure in the room was a German-born Jewish banker named Paul Warburg. And the most remarkable fact about Paul Warburg is not what he built in America. It is what his brother was doing in Germany at the same time.
The Men on the Island
The participants were Senator Nelson Aldrich, A. Piatt Andrew who was an economist and Treasury assistant secretary, Henry Davison who was a senior partner at J.P. Morgan, Arthur Shelton who was Aldrich's personal secretary, Frank Vanderlip who was president of National City Bank then the largest bank in the United States, and Paul Warburg, a German-born partner at Kuhn Loeb and Co. who had been arguing for years that America needed a European-style central bank.
The group represented the concentrated financial power of the Morgan and Rockefeller banking empires alongside one German Jewish immigrant banker whose intellectual contribution would turn out to be the most significant of anyone in the room.
Paul Warburg's model for the American central bank was the German Reichsbank, an institution that held the reserves of private banks, acted as a clearinghouse, and could lend freely against good collateral in times of stress. Warburg understood something his American colleagues often missed. A central bank's power derived not merely from its capital but from its credibility, the market's certainty that it would act consistently and predictably to prevent liquidity crises from cascading into solvency crises. The Reichsbank had that credibility. The United States had nothing equivalent.
Columbia University economist Edwin Seligman assessed the Federal Reserve Act a year after it passed and concluded: "In its fundamental features the Federal Reserve Act is the work of Mr. Warburg more than of any other man." Warburg himself confirmed that the key technical matters were discussed and settled at Jekyll Island. The man who designed the Federal Reserve modeled it on the German central bank and was appointed to the Federal Reserve's first board by President Woodrow Wilson in 1914.
The Brother Nobody Discusses
Paul Warburg came from Hamburg. The Warburg family bank, M.M. Warburg and Co., was one of the great German banking dynasties, established in 1798 and still operating today. Paul had emigrated to America in 1902 after marrying into the Loeb family of Kuhn Loeb banking. His older brother Max stayed in Hamburg and ran the family bank.
Max Warburg was the personal adviser of the German autocrat Kaiser Wilhelm II. The two banking brothers Warburg were in fact on both sides of the Atlantic energetically pushing for German-American institutions that would offer an alternative to the British industrial and financial monopoly. They were convinced that Germany and the United States were growing stronger year by year while British power would erode.
When World War One began in 1914, the United States and Germany were on opposite sides. Paul Warburg sat on the board of the Federal Reserve, the central bank of the United States. Max Warburg sat on the board of the Reichsbank, the central bank of Germany. Two brothers from the same Hamburg banking family were simultaneously managing the central banking systems of nations whose soldiers were killing each other in the trenches of France and Belgium.
This is not an allegation. It is documented in Ron Chernow's Pulitzer Prize-winning biography of the Warburg family, in the Centre for Economic Policy Research's academic analysis of WW1 financial history, in Federal Reserve historical records, and in Britannica. It is sitting in the open historical record and it is almost never discussed.
The Secrecy That Took Twenty Years to Break
The meeting and its purpose were closely guarded secrets and participants did not admit that the meeting occurred until the 1930s. Warburg himself wrote: the results of the conference were entirely confidential. Even the fact that there had been a meeting was not permitted to become public.
Think about what that means. The legislation that created the central banking system of the United States, which controls American monetary policy, interest rates, the money supply, and the financial conditions under which every American borrows, saves, and operates, was written in secret by a group of bankers who concealed the meeting's existence for nearly two decades. The Federal Reserve Act was presented to Congress and the public as the product of official deliberation. The private nine-day retreat on a Georgian barrier island where its fundamental architecture was designed was not disclosed until long after the institution it created was permanently embedded in American life.
The cover was eventually broken not by a journalist or an investigator but by B.C. Forbes, the founder of Forbes Magazine, who published an account in Current Opinion in December 1916 describing how five men had evolved the Federal Reserve on Jekyll Island. The participants continued to deny it. Full acknowledgment did not come until the 1930s.
The Panic That Made It Possible
To understand why the Jekyll Island meeting happened you need to understand the Panic of 1907. In October 1907 the American banking system came close to complete collapse. A failed attempt to corner the copper market triggered a cascading bank run that spread across New York and then the entire country within days. The only thing that prevented total financial collapse was J.P. Morgan personally, at the age of 70, locking the leading bankers of New York in his library and refusing to let them leave until they had collectively agreed to prop up the failing institutions. One private banker's personal authority and personal fortune stood between the American economy and catastrophe.
Paul Warburg had been writing about exactly this vulnerability since at least 1907, publishing essays that laid out in technical detail what American banking lacked and what a reserve system could provide. He had been arguing in newspapers and lectures that America needed a central bank for years before anyone with political power was willing to listen. The Panic of 1907 made people willing to listen. Senator Aldrich was dispatched to Europe to study the German and British banking systems. He came back convinced Warburg was right. The Jekyll Island meeting was the result.
The model Warburg brought to the island was the Reichsbank his brother Max was helping to run in Hamburg. The institution that was designed to prevent America from experiencing another Panic of 1907 was modeled on the central bank of the country America would go to war with seven years later, designed by a man whose brother was sitting on that central bank's board when the war began.
What the Federal Reserve Actually Does
Before going further it is worth being precise about what the Federal Reserve is and is not, because this subject attracts more misinformation than almost any other in American financial history.
The Federal Reserve is a hybrid institution. The Federal Reserve has a government-appointed Board of Governors that controls policy, not the banks. It is neither purely governmental nor purely private. Member banks hold stock in regional Federal Reserve banks but that stock carries no voting rights on monetary policy, pays a fixed dividend, and cannot be sold or traded. The Board of Governors that sets interest rates and monetary policy is appointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate.
The Jekyll Island plan the bankers wrote in 1910, the Aldrich Plan, was publicly rejected by Congress. The Federal Reserve Act that passed in December 1913 drew heavily on its technical architecture while adding public oversight provisions the bankers had not wanted. The final institution was meaningfully different from what the Jekyll Island group had designed, with considerably more government oversight and accountability.
None of this means the meeting did not happen, that its secrecy was not deliberate, or that the concentration of private banking power in the room was not remarkable. It means the story is more complicated than either the conspiracy version or the official version presents it.
The Question the History Books Skip
What the documented record establishes is this. The fundamental architecture of American monetary policy was designed in secret by a group that included representatives of the Morgan and Rockefeller banking empires and a German Jewish immigrant whose family bank was one of the central institutions of German finance. The secrecy was deliberate and maintained for nearly twenty years. The man whose intellectual contribution was most significant was simultaneously connected through his brother to the central bank of Germany. When America went to war with Germany three years after the Federal Reserve opened for business, Paul Warburg resigned from the Federal Reserve Board because his German connections made his position untenable. Max Warburg in Hamburg was simultaneously helping Germany finance its side of the same war.
The two Warburg brothers were in fact on both sides of the Atlantic energetically pushing for German-American institutions that would offer an alternative to the British industrial and financial monopoly before the war. They were convinced that Germany and America were growing stronger while British power eroded. When the war separated them onto opposite sides of a conflict neither had wanted, Paul resigned from the institution he had built rather than become a political liability to the country he had chosen. Max survived the war and eventually helped negotiate the German reparations terms at Versailles, sitting on the German side of the same table where Bernard Baruch sat on the American side.
Two Jewish banking brothers from Hamburg. One designed the American central bank. One advised the German Kaiser. One sat on the Federal Reserve. One sat on the Reichsbank. Then their countries went to war.
That is in the historical record. It is documented by the Federal Reserve itself, by Ron Chernow's Pulitzer Prize-winning biography, by Harvard academic research, and by the Centre for Economic Policy Research. It is taught almost nowhere.
The island still exists off the coast of Georgia. The Jekyll Island Club has been restored and operates today as a hotel. You can stay in the room where they wrote the legislation. The Federal Reserve's own website has the full history of what happened there. It is not hidden. It is just not in the curriculum.
Sources
The Meeting at Jekyll Island, Federal Reserve History official website: https://t.co/qBs7N1rbqF
Paul M. Warburg, Federal Reserve History official website: https://t.co/5XY1TG1gWa
Paul Warburg and the Federal Reserve, Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis: https://t.co/HX4xgYlCCU
The Federal Reserve Founding, Market Histories: https://t.co/TbmI2BQkqt
Warburg Brothers and WW1 financial history, Centre for Economic Policy Research: https://t.co/J2NCt6Wxzt
Paul Warburg, Daddy Warbucks and the Federal Reserve: https://t.co/DKdPRyB5W6
Ron Chernow, The Warburgs: The Twentieth Century Odyssey of a Remarkable Jewish Family, Vintage Books 1994
Nicklas Nilsson legt het verschil uit tussen rechtse en linkse mensen in een messcherpe tekst :
"Als een rechtse persoon homo is, dan is hij dat, en het kan hem geen donder schelen wat anderen daarvan vinden.
Als een links iemand homo is, dan eist hij wetswijzigingen, protesteert hij tegen alles en iedereen, en maakt hij er een politieke strijd van.
Als een rechtse veganist is, eet hij gewoon geen vlees.
Als een links iemand veganist is, wil hij vlees verbieden, de voedselproductie stoppen en protesteren voor boerderijen en pluimveehouderijen.
Als een rechtse geen wapens mag, koopt hij er gewoon geen.
Als een links iemand geen wapens mag, probeert hij ze te verbieden, verhindert hij dat anderen er een bezitten, en haat hij degenen die ze wel hebben.
Als een rechtse zich zorgen maakt over het klimaat, vliegt hij minder, rijdt hij een elektrische auto als het hem uitkomt en scheidt hij zijn afval.
Als een links iemand zich zorgen maakt over het klimaat, wil hij fossiele auto's, vliegreizen en vlees voor iedereen anders verbieden, protesteren voor fabrieken en eisen dat de staat de verandering afdwingt.
Als een rechtse zijn kinderen een goede schoolopleiding wil geven, verhuist hij naar een buurt met goede scholen, kiest hij een privéschool of zet hij zich zelf in.
Als een links iemand zijn kinderen een goede schoolopleiding wil geven, eist hij meer belastinggeld van iedereen, gelijke resultaten voor iedereen, een verbod op vrijescholen en protesteert hij tegen elke vorm van verschil.
Als een rechtse klaagt over zijn baan of werkplek.. dat doet hij niet. Hij verandert van baan of start zijn eigen bedrijf.
Als een links iemand klaagt over zijn baan – dan ligt het aan de baas, het bedrijf of de collega's. Hij eist een collectieve overeenkomst, staking, veranderingen voor de hele buurt en protesteert tegen het bedrijf zodat het hem past.
Als een rechtse ontevreden is met zijn huis of huur, verhuist hij, renoveert hij of koopt hij iets anders.
Als een links iemand ontevreden is met zijn huis of huur, eist hij een huurstop, meer subsidies, reguleringen voor iedereen en protesteert hij tegen verhuurders en politici.
Als een rechtse faalt in een zakendeal of een investering die mislukt, staat hij op, klopt het stof af en probeert hij het morgen opnieuw.
Als een links iemand op de 24e geen geld meer heeft, geeft hij de rijken de schuld dat ze te veel hebben en meer moeten bijdragen, geeft hij de loterijwinst de schuld die vorige week niet binnenkwam en moppert hij dat hij zo'n pech heeft.
#STOPWOKE
Минутка истории. Михаил Гордеевич Дроздовский об украинстве:
«Нет особого «украинского народа». Есть русский народ, доведённый до сумасшествия агитацией и разложением, лишённый воли и памяти. Пока он не вспомнит, что он русский, он будет игрушкой в руках вс��кого прохвоста с жёлто-голубым флагом.
Если русский Киев объявит себя чуждым России, он тем самым подпишет себе приговор. Город, отрёкшийся от своего корня, ещё какое-то время может шуметь и праздновать новую «самостийность», но потом его неизбежно ждут голод, разруха и чужой сапог. Русская земля вне России превращается в провинцию чужой империи.
Там, где русский начинает делиться на «украинца», «сибиряка», «донца», там начинается конец России. Врагам не нужно нас побеждать – достаточно научить нас стыдиться нашего имени и дробить его на части.»
Мих��ил Гордеевич Дроздовский — русский военачальник, генерал‑майор, один из видных руководителей Белого движения на Юге России.
Михаил Гордеевич родился 7 (19) октября 1881 года в Киеве, через два месяца был крещён в Киево-Печерской Спасской церкви. Происходил из потомственных дворян Полтавской губернии. Был определён в Полоцкий кадетский корпус, вскоре после этого был переведён во Владимирский Киевский кадетский корпус, который окончил в Киеве в 1899 году. После чего сделал блистательную военную карьеру в армии, служа верой и правдой Русскому Отечеству дослужившись до чина генерала. Умер от ран, полученных в боях в красными частями недалеко от Ростова в 1918 г.
London 2026 is nothing like the romantic fantasy of "Notting Hill".
I barely hear English. The streets belong to people from every continent who have no interest in assimilating — and make it clear they never will.
As a blonde woman, the stares are open, predatory, and hostile. Walking alone no longer feels safe.
This is not Europe. This is not Britain.
Our national identity is being erased. Our cultural heritage is being dismantled.
Tanks firing on the Russian Parliament in broad daylight. Bodies in the streets. Democracy, American style.
October 1993. Do you know why that coup happened? Yeltsin wasn’t even supposed to stay in power.
The parliament voted to remove him after he insisted on pushing through the Harvard Boys’ reforms. You know, the ones that later let western companies scoop up Russia’s resources, technology, and strategic industries for pennies, while millions of Russians were thrown into poverty.
So Yeltsin did what every great democrat would do: he ordered tanks to shell the parliament, people were killed, and somehow ended up president anyway. Just like that, Russia got its shiny new “democracy.”
From that moment on, Russia became exactly the kind of democracy Washington loves. One where financial elites, bankers, and transnational capital call the shots, while politicians read from the script.
People bought the story in 1993.
Thirty years later, after watching one “democracy” get exported after another through remarkably similar coups, the pattern is a little harder to miss.
Then Putin came along and started dismantling that entire system. Any questions why Western MSM still portray him as the villain?
In her introduction to her Odyssey translation, Emily Wilson calls Odysseus a “soldier with a traumatic past” and a “colonial invader.”
Stop going after Christopher Nolan. His cowardly Odysseus is simply a reflection of this godawful biased translation he read.
I don’t think many people realize that the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation opened a criminal investigation into the murder of the Imperial Family. Over the past several years, a great deal of new evidence has emerged, along with confirmation of information that had previously been suggested.
The Investigative Committee concluded that the highest Soviet leadership was involved in the murder of the Imperial Family. This position differs from the one held during the Soviet era.
The Bolsheviks didn't just execute Nicholas II. They murdered his wife, his four daughters, his 13-year-old son, and even the family servants. Yurovsky pulled the trigger. Lenin and Sverdlov signed off. Here's what their final months looked like.
🧵👇