Why do donors throw so much money at “xenophobia” in South Africa?
Because xenophobia is fundable. It fits neatly into the language of human rights, social cohesion, refugee protection and anti-discrimination. It produces workshops, reports, campaigns, consultants, monitoring projects and measurable NGO outputs.
What is far less fundable is the political economy underneath the conflict: landlessness, mass unemployment, collapsing municipalities, undocumented migration, informal-market displacement, wage competition, border failure and the continuing concentration of wealth.
So a material crisis is translated into a behavioural problem. The dispossessed become the object of correction. Their anger is studied, diagnosed and managed, while the economic architecture producing that anger remains largely untouched.
That framing protects the status quo because it relocates the source of the crisis from structures to attitudes. Instead of interrogating ownership, extraction, labour markets, state failure and economic exclusion, the debate becomes about prejudice among the people carrying the heaviest burden of the system.
The existing economic order is thus spared authentic examination, while the dispossessed are recast as the problem requiring intervention.
Follow the money and you often find the framing. Follow the framing and you often find the interests it leaves undisturbed.
@JacintaNgobese With so many ills facing society, so-called intellectuals sit around and do nothing. When someone rises on any of these ills, they jump up to tell you what you should do!!
From my observation as a human being: everyone except the indigenous African majority seems entitled to fragility.
The majority is subjected to insults, contempt, racialised suspicion and endless gaslighting, with remarkably little concern for the injury inflicted. Yet criticise almost any minority constituency, however mildly, and a torrent of outrage follows.
The hierarchy is revealing: some groups, starting with whites, are granted social protection from offence; the majority is expected to absorb humiliation as though its dignity were inexhaustible.
Once you know that deep in your beingness, you can never deny it.
Sometimes discipline is choosing the boring option because you know the exciting option will cost you later. Going home instead of spending money. Sleeping instead of staying out. Training when nobody is watching. Saying no when you could easily say yes. The small decisions really do add up.
China's "Big Four" state banks - ICBC, Agricultural Bank of China, China Construction Bank, and Bank of China hold combined assets of around $25.6 trillion.
SAn government is begging Chinese government to fund public infrastructure using their public institutions.
ANC must die
It is absurd to watch sections of South Africa’s white commercial farming elite and parts of the merchant class lament the collapse of a system built on the endless availability of cheap migrant slave labour. What is presented as nostalgia for “efficiency” is, in truth, mourning for a labour regime that suppressed wages, weakened bargaining power and sustained profit through structural inequality rather than productivity.
But this is not confined to agriculture or the informal economy. The same logic of labour displacement persists in the corporate sector, where foreign nationals are still routinely placed in positions that could and should be occupied by South Africans.
Consider firms such as Werksmans and other law firms, insurance agencies and related businesses, where foreign nationals are employed as conveyancing secretaries, receptionists and in other positions, while thousands of qualified Black South African graduates remain locked out of meaningful employment. This is not about isolated hiring decisions. It reflects a deeper pattern of elite capture in a country already defined by mass graduate unemployment and economic exclusion.
If there is any seriousness about economic sovereignty, then the question of March and March cannot be reduced to selective outrage or a narrow sectoral focus. It should be joined by the middle classes and by those lost graduates who aspire to enter the middle class. The demand for a majority work economy must extend across the entire system. Universities, corporate boardrooms, legal firms and professional industries must all come under scrutiny.
The silence of South Africa’s trade unions is not just disappointing—it is a form of complicity. Their failure to defend South African workers and graduates has left a vacuum that others are now forced to fill. In this context, Jacinta Ngobese-Zuma’s intervention exposes not only inertia, but the absence of the kind of militant leadership that should have been central to the labour movement all along.
#MarchandMarch @JacintaNgobese
Why are stupid liberals, "progressive" liberals and whitists, shouting “xenophobia” at South Africa’s poorest people while also instructing them to fight white capital, while they sit in the safety of lives untouched by the same burdens?
Capital protects itself through buffer zones. Undocumented foreign labour is the closest to usurped people: a precarious workforce used by employers to suppress wages, evade South African labour law and intensify competition for survival. Beyond it stand NGOs, liberal media, intermediary classes and the coercive state—all redirecting pressure away from concentrated ownership onto its victims.
South Africa’s indigenous Black majority did not design this structure. They were placed beneath it. They carry the accumulated weight of landlessness, unemployment, spatial exclusion and economic abandonment. When they rise directly against capital, they face police, prisons and, as history has shown, mass death.
A revolutionary analysis begins from their material condition. The task is not to demonise South Africa’s poorest people for confronting the layers placed on top of them. It is to dismantle the people, institutions and economic structures that have stripped them of every means of survival while protecting the wealth accumulated through their dispossession. #marchandmarch
You make it sound as though you had a hand in creating Advocate Muzi Sikhakhane’s intellectual work. You did not. He is an intellectual great, a writer of theory and an originator of authentic ideas. You are neither.
To insert yourself into his achievement in this way is dishonest self-inflation: an attempt to attach your own limited contribution to the stature of a Black thinker whose intellectual authority does not depend on your proximity to him.
This is white entitlement in its most familiar form: the assumption that being near Black intellectual production confers ownership of it; that editorial access becomes creative authorship; that a white intermediary must somehow be written into the story of an African great.
His ideas, analysis and theoretical contribution are his own. They did not emerge from white supervision, white refinement or white intellectual permission. Working on somebody’s manuscript does not entitle you to trespass upon their authorship.
Muzi is the thinker, the writer and the originator. You were near the manuscript. Learn the difference.