I ❤️ New England. Geography/maps/elex/data/redist. Pragmatic, law & order, ↓prices for us, ↑taxes for billionaires. Hiker: NE67/52WAV/T25. Support: 🇮🇱🇺🇦🇹🇼
The Land of Israel is NOT. YOUR. LAND.
The Jewish People have lived there for at least 4,000 years. Jews are the indigenous inhabitants. Muslim Arabs stole it from us 1,400 years ago, and then settler-colonized it.
The Jewish people have now taken back our own land.
If Israel was created in Alaska, no Palestinians or Arabs would've objected!
The issue is NOT Jewish statehood, the issue is building a state on top of OUR land, stealing OUR homes, properties, assets, farms, culture, & olive trees then caging us in concentration camps!
Aoun is doing his best, but Hezbollah doesn't want to "solve this problem" - they just want to murder as many Jews as possible.
It's why there will only be peace between Israel and Lebanon once Hezbollah is totally eliminated.
But it’s just criticism of Israel, amirite?
As the Budapest-born Theodor Herzl pointed out, there were Jews in Hungary before there were Hungarians in Hungary.
A man burned a group of Jews, resulting in many injuries and one death. A local pro-Palestinian group is celebrating it. A lot of free speech advocates are fine with incitement and then pretend to be shocked that violence follows it, as if the two are not related.
Apart from everything else in this excellent thread, this is a great argument for completely banning algorithms in social media.
The 'Following' option should be the only option on Twitter. And Facebook. And IG, TikTok, and all the social media sites that I haven't heard of.
This is a thread on the state of American Jewry in light of unabetted growth in American antisemitism on the right and left. What's going right, what's going wrong, and some options in front of us.
Platner is a problematic candidate in many ways. But the reason why many people are defending him is because they agree with his views on economic issues.
I'm a strong supporter of Israel. But America really needs more people in office with Platner's economic views.
I'm torn.
I do not get why so many people are defending Graham Platner. He's not some long term politician who cultivated relationships and earned loyalty through years of mutual backscratching. He's a nobody who could have been dropped as easily as he was picked up. And yet.
What do I mean when I say that the Irish people did nothing?
More than 7,000 Polish people have been honored as Righteous Among the Nations, for aiding Jews during the Holocaust. 6,000 Dutch people have been honored as well.
How many Irish people have been honored?
ONE.
The Irish people did nothing while millions of Jews were slaughtered during the Holocaust. And now they're trying to tell us Jews that we can't live in the only place in the world where we can actually be safe?
Yeah, f*ck the Irish. Ireland is now on my sh*t list.
The Irish people did nothing while millions of Jews were slaughtered during the Holocaust. And now they're trying to tell us Jews that we can't live in the only place in the world where we can actually be safe?
Yeah, f*ck the Irish. Ireland is now on my sh*t list.
This is a BFD, because this absurd law would have massively snarled NH's popular same-day registration.
And I know that for a fact, because I am a poll worker myself.
A federal judge has declared that New Hampshire’s 2024 law requiring first-time voters in the state to show proof of U.S. citizenship when they register is unconstitutional. https://t.co/pWRLbapoA3
Ireland has effectively made Temple denial an official gov't position.
It's absurd - Palestinians are not a "small people" (there are 400 million Arabs in the world, compared to 16 million Jews). And unlike the Irish in Ireland, they are not indigenous to Israel - Jews are.
This is one of the greatest tweets of all time.
We need a lot more of this - more Arabs, and Israel-haters all around the world, coming out from under the rock of Temple denial to finally see the world, and the history thereof, as it really is.
🇮🇱
“Free Palestine.”
I grew up on those words.
In Lebanon, most people around me wanted a free Palestine for a very practical reason — to send the Palestinian refugees back. The civil war that tore my country apart was ignited in no small part by the Palestinian armed factions who turned Lebanon into their launching pad. “Free Palestine” meant: free us from them.
In Damascus, where my father’s family lived, the sentiment was different but equally self-serving. Palestine must be returned to the Arabs, its righteous owners. No one asked follow-up questions. No one was expected to.
Palestine was central to Islam, most Arabs are Muslim, therefore supporting the Palestinian cause was reflexive. A non-brainer in the most literal sense — no brain engaged at all.
Nobody stopped to point out that Palestine is not an Arabic word. Nobody found it strange that Jerusalem, the supposedly third holiest city in Islam, is not mentioned once in the Quran. Not once. Nor is Palestine. The entire theological and political architecture of this cause rests on a foundation that their own scripture doesn’t bother to acknowledge.
What was actually happening was indoctrination. A systematic, generational rejection of Jewish sovereignty — and frankly, of any minority sovereignty. Jews, Christians, Druze, Kurds, Assyrians, Yazidis — the Arab world has been remarkably consistent in how it treats people who are different. We just don’t talk about that.
Instead, in the West, we talk about Palestine.
In the West, a civilization that has elevated human rights to its highest moral currency, the Palestinian cause has become the one exception to every rule. In the queue of human suffering, Palestinians cut the line every time. Homosexuals executed in Gaza and hanged from cranes in Iran? Palestine first. Women imprisoned in Saudi Arabia for campaigning for the right to drive — a right they were denied until 2018 — girls sold into marriage in Afghanistan, women erased from public life entirely under the Taliban? After Palestine. Political dissidents ground into dust in Syrian and Egyptian prisons, journalists disappeared in Libya, children starving in Yemen while their rulers wage proxy wars, entire populations hollowed out by hunger in Sudan? All of it waits. Christians ethnically cleansed from Iraq and Syria, the Arab world methodically emptied of every Jewish community it once held — a demographic erasure carried out across a century with surgical patience and near-total Western silence?
Palestine is still first.
So let’s end where we started. Free Palestine. Which Palestine, exactly? The Roman invention? The British administrative line? The British Mandate covered the entire territory of what is today Israel, the West Bank, Gaza and Jordan. In 1921, 78% of that mandate was handed to the Hashemite family — a dynasty imported from Hijaz in present-day Saudi Arabia — and became the Kingdom of Jordan, which it remains to this day. A foreign royal family, on the majority of historic Palestine, ruling it as a monarchy. Nobody protests that. No flags, no chants, no encampments. The remaining 22% was designated for the Jews, became Israel, and is the only part that any pro-Palestinian activist has ever had a problem with.
So when you say Free Palestine, you mean that 22%. You mean the Jews.
And free it from whom? From a people with a three-thousand-year-old documented presence in that land, to restore the glory of a name coined by Roman colonizers, a name lifted from the Torah, a name that has no roots in Arabic, no mention in the Quran, and no history as a sovereign state?
You are not chanting for liberation. You are chanting for colonialism — the Roman kind, repackaged for social media.
Free Palestine is not a cause. It is a colonial term, coined by invaders, recycled by the indoctrinated. The least you can do is have the intelligence to understand it and the decency to reflect on your position.
📍#Israel
Not long ago, I wrote about one of the great narrative advantages antizionists have secured for themselves: they position Zionism as the disruptive event, the thing that enters history and must justify itself to the world.
Once that move is accepted, everything else becomes easier. Arab and Palestinian politics can slip out the back door. Jewish self-determination is dislodged from the ordinary language of nations, peoples, borders, refugees, war, defeat, compromise, and statecraft. It is marked instead as an alien politics, a permanent intrusion, a problem whose existence must be explained before anything else can even be discussed.
To see how extreme this is, imagine the same narrative machinery being used against Palestinians.
Imagine a world in which Palestinian celebrities, writers, professors, business owners, and artists were routinely targeted across countries. The crudest people would call them “baby killers.” The more respectable class would ask whether Palestinians had finally produced a realistic solution to the conflict their nationalism helped create.
People assumed to be Arab would be stopped in public and asked whether they supported a State of Palestine that depends on violence, ethnic exclusion, and the permanent denial of Jewish self-determination. In the entertainment industry, actors and musicians would be pressured to denounce Palestine before being allowed to keep their reputations. Lists would circulate of pro-Palestine donors, professionals, students, and public figures.
People with barely a passing interest in the conflict would somehow know the names of the most brutal or embarrassing figures associated with Palestinian history, and only those figures. They would know the massacres, the rejectionism, the authoritarian leaders, the corruption, the ideological maximalists, the factions that murdered civilians, the schools and media systems that glorified “martyrs,” the diplomats who rejected partition, the movements that turned refugeehood into a permanent political weapon.
And then, after years of this, when most ordinary people had grown exhausted by it, the people still doing it would insist that they were merely asking questions. They would call it critique. They would call it anti-nationalism. They would call it concern for human rights. They would deny that any of this had anything to do with Arabs or Palestinians as people, even while Arabs and Palestinians bore the social consequences of the obsession.
Meanwhile, political candidates across the democratic world would begin making “criticism of Palestine” and “criticism of Palestinian ideology” central to their campaigns. Campus movements would demand that universities cut ties with Palestinian institutions. Public figures would be asked, again and again, whether they condemn Palestinian self-determination. The entire subject would be organized around the presumption that Palestine is the thing that must answer for itself.
This hypothetical is almost impossible to imagine because it is so distant from political reality. Sometimes Zionist propaganda can come close in quality, but microscopic in quantity. That is the achievement of antizionist narrative politics. It constructs Jewish national self-determination as the exceptional case, the suspect case, the one nationalism that must stand before the world and prove that it has a right to exist at all. And once that burden is assigned, everything else follows.
To note here at the end, the response to this shouldn’t be imitation. It should be exposure. This kind of politics is disguising and should be rooted out of society. Today it is used against Zionists and Jews generally, but it didn’t begin there and it won’t stop there. It will need to be stopped by people who can see it for what it is and make what it is clear to those who still can’t see it well.
The words "Gaza" and "genocide" appear precisely zero times in the DNC autopsy.
Turning a blind eye to crimes against humanity was a grave injustice, and a terrible election strategy.
If I understand it correctly: calling Zionists baby killers and genociders is fine and a valid form of "criticism." Following up that idea by calling for Zionists to be rounded up is not. Interesting line. Where do people think ideas like that usually lead?
What Ben Gvir did is disgusting. He is a nasty, slow-witted pig of a man and should be nowhere near public life. It is sad but inevitable that perhaps 5–10% of Israelis support his views, and sadder still that, due to the fractious state of Israeli politics, this clown ended up in government for four years. Every sane person can agree that a wicked moron like him should be nowhere near power. This must never be allowed to happen again.
Not in Israel, and certainly not in Gaza. Obviously, people who, by all accounts, have done or supported acts infinitely more evil than what Ben Gvir did to those detainees—executions of children and mocking detainees are not actually even within the same categories of sin—can’t be anywhere near power over other humans. If Ben Gvir mustn’t be in power—and he mustn’t—then it is a thousand times more critical that nobody in Gaza who had any involvement with, or supported, the armed terrorists who have run that place for a generation can be allowed to be in power there. Not just for Israel, but for the locals.
Even after all that has been done by Israel’s enemies, Ben Gvir’s thugs can’t garner the support of 10% of the population. Across the demilitarised zone in Gaza, can the same be said about public support for thugs who are far more evil? Until support for terrorism in Gaza can be brought down to the kind of level that Ben Gvir’s thuggery garners in Israel, talk of peace is empty.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu:
“Israel has every right to prevent provocative flotillas of Hamas terrorist supporters from entering our territorial waters and reaching Gaza.
However, the way that Minister Ben Gvir dealt with the flotilla activists is not in line with Israel’s values and norms.
I have instructed the relevant authorities to deport the provocateurs as soon as possible.”
This is a devious rhetorical trick. Labeling someone a “Nakba survivor” is designed to evoke instant sympathy and a false sense of moral clarity, but it is little more than taxpayer-funded propaganda.
Consider the absurdity: roughly 99% of Palestinian Arabs alive in 1949 survived the war and its displacements. Calling the displaced a “survivor” stretches the word beyond recognition. It is a newly coined term, crafted in academia and activist circles long after the events.
Its real genius lies in creating false equivalence. It places ordinary Palestinian civilians who were displaced amid a war their own leaders launched on the same moral plane as Holocaust survivors (of whom only about one-third emerged alive).
It airbrushes away the ~6,000 Jews killed in 1948, elevates the ~12,000 Arab deaths, and erases the thousands of Jews forcibly expelled from the Old City of Jerusalem and other areas.
By anointing the displaced as sacred “survivors,” the term invites us to forget that the Nazi-aligned Palestinian leadership rejected the UN partition plan, chose war to prevent any Jewish state, and promised quick victory while urging Arabs to flee.
It glosses over Israel���s Declaration of Independence, which explicitly invited Arab inhabitants to “participate in the upbuilding of the State on the basis of full and equal citizenship.” And it conveniently overlooks the ~150,000 Arabs who stayed put, accepted Israeli citizenship, and whose descendants now form over 20% of Israel’s population.
This is international grievance politics pushed by the Mayor of New York City, who genuinely believes that Palestinians should be able to “return to their homes” – a nonsensical idea designed to justify perpetual victimhood and violence.
The move weaponizes real civilian hardship while inverting roles: turning a war of choice and rejectionism into an unprovoked “catastrophe” inflicted by the intended victims. It sustain grievance and does not nothing to advance peace.