@dailytimespak In my father’s last letter to me he quoted Tennyson:
“Ah, what shall I be at 50 if I find the world so bitter at 25.”
He had then turned 50 and I was 25.
He asked me never to be bitter.
I have honoured my father’s dying wish.
#BenazirBhutto
#Pakistan's overall unemployment hitting a 21-year high with approximately 5.9 million unemployed individuals according to the latest national labor force data
"Under Article 92 of Turkiye’s constitution, the authority to send troops abroad rests with the parliament, which has yet to ratify the Mecca pact."
https://t.co/OsnzAJmOpC
IMF taxes squeeze salaried class!
The salaried class has paid Rs144 billion in income tax in this fiscal year, which is Rs90 billion more than the taxes paid by retail and realty sectors, highlighting a widening disparity under the International Monetary Fund (IMF) programme that has endorsed a 50% cut for real estate and a fixed tax scheme for retailers. https://t.co/hT9UoFmYLG
⚫ 7 اکتوبر 1958
صدر اسکندر مرزا نے مرکزی اور صوبائی حکومتوں کو توڑ دیا، سیاسی جماعتوں پر پابندی لگادی، آئین منسوخ کرکے مارشل لا لگادیا اور جنرل ایوب خاں کو مارشل لا ایڈمنسٹریٹر مقرر کردیا. ایوب خاں کی مزید اختیارات کی خواہش پر 24 اکتوبر کو انہیں و��یراعظم بھی بنادیا. 3 دن بعد تین جرنیلوں نے پستول تان کر صدر اسکندر مرزا سے استعفے پر دستخط کرالیے اور تمام اختیارات ایوب خاں کے پاس آگئے.
استعفے کے سرکاری اعلان میں کہا گیا
"اسکندر مرزا نے کہا ہے، لوگوں کے دلوں میں یہ خیال پیدا ہوگیا تھا کہ میں اور جنرل ایوب مل کر کام نہیں کر سکیں گے. یہ صورت حال ہمارے مقاصد کیلئے نقصان دہ تھی، اس لئے میں راستے سے الگ ہورہا ہوں"
اگلے دس سال اسکندر مرزا کو فارغ کرنے کی تاریخ 27 اکتوبر کو ملک میں یومِ انقلاب منایا جاتا رہا.
(عاصم ملک صاحب کی وال سے )
World Bank report showing ‘Pakistan bears region’s biggest poverty burden’: 48% poor in Middle East/North Africa, while rest of poor are in Afghanistan, Yemen & Syria, shows worst kind of Elite Capture in failed System! ISSUE is NOT new Provinces, it’s about Policy Priorities!
Madam Chief Minister @MaryamNSharif , when General Zia’s state was building the Afghan jihad infrastructure, was Khyber Pakhtunkhwa making that national policy? When Sipah-e-Sahaba was founded in Jhang in 1985, was Jhang in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa? When Lashkar-e-Jhangvi emerged from that organisation, was that a creation of the people of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa? When Punjab politicians sought electoral accommodation with leaders of proscribed organisations, were the people of Charsadda making those decisions? So when the consequences of forty years of national security policy arrive at Punjab’s border, by what logic do you identify the neighbouring province as the greater threat?