BREAKING: Mallam Nasir El-Rufai is currently in court in Kaduna as he continues what is widely described as political persecution by the Bola Tinubu administration.
🇩🇪 Thomas Müller on Kai Havertz :
"My answer to playing him in another position is 'no'. Because for me, Kai Havertz is an anchor player for this team. He is clearly set as the number 9, and if possible, he should play every single minute."
"Especially against big teams, he becomes even more crucial than against smaller ones. So, I want to see Kai Havertz on the pitch every minute. If he can't run anymore, then we can put someone else in. We have Undav and other wonderful players waiting, but Kai is my man!"
Every Nigerian needs to pay very close attention to this official press release by the Finance Minister of Nigeria, Taiwo Oyedele. This serves as the direct response by the Federal Government to the International Monetary Fund 2026 Article IV Concluding Statement on Nigeria.
The recent IMF statement on Nigeria is overflowing with glowing praises for the Tinubu Administration and their supposedly brilliant economic policies.
The IMF is loudly cheering for the reunification of the foreign exchange market because the gap between the official and black market exchange rates has remained below 5%, which is absolutely fantastic for foreign investors since they love predictability, guaranteed margins, and zero currency friction. They also excitedly applaud the fact that Nigeria's foreign reserves have built back up, supposedly providing a comfortable cushion against global economic shocks. Finally, the IMF highly commended the Tinubu government's decisions to eliminate deficit monetization (which stopped the CBN from printing money to fund government projects) and to permanently remove petrol subsidies.
Now, the Tinubu Administration, speaking through the office of the Finance Minister, is proudly parading this IMF report like a shiny gold medal. They are framing this praise as an "independent validation" that their brutally painful economic policies over the past few years are finally yielding positive macroeconomic results. The glaring problem here is that this is not something Nigeria as a sovereign country should be celebrating, and this is entirely because of who the IMF actually works for and who dictates their underlying policies. The G7 nations and Western superpowers entirely control the IMF board, and the institution itself exists strictly to protect the financial interests of international creditor nations, massive global investment banks, ruthless hedge funds, and wealthy foreign bondholders. The primary job of the IMF is merely to ensure that the global financial system remains perfectly stable and that struggling developing nations never default on their massive, crippling debts to foreign creditors. Therefore, the IMF works exclusively for the lenders (the global financial-industrial complex), absolutely not for the bleeding borrowers like Nigeria, Ghana, Kenya, or any other struggling African nation.
To see how bad this is, just observe this currency unification being praised by the IMF as a massive win for the Tinubu Administration. They are celebrating simply because the exchange rate is now mathematically stable and investors are finally happy. This is spectacularly good for foreign speculators, but it is deeply catastrophic for us because the currency stabilized at a spectacularly weaker level of N1,400 per dollar, compared to N770 in the black market and N450 in the official rate before this administration took over.
So yes, the currency is technically unified, but at a permanently crippled level. Since Nigeria is a heavily import-dependent economy, this unified weakness has made the cost of food, life-saving medicines, basic hospital bills, school fees, transportation, building materials, imported spare parts, and daily survival astronomical, thereby permanently destroying the purchasing power of everyday Nigerians.
Furthermore, the IMF congratulating the Tinubu Administration on increasing the country's foreign reserves might sound like brilliant news, until you suddenly realize that it is this exact, deliberate policy that violently crippled our local industries. Most of the money that makes up these bloated new foreign reserves was forcefully squeezed out of the removal of petrol subsidies, a move that has deeply suffocated our local businesses, artisans, manufacturers, and logistics companies who rely entirely on petrol generators to survive. But this is not even the full tragic story. Even the bloody change they violently squeezed out of the dying Nigerian middle class was not enough to impress these foreign investors. To aggressively entice them, the Tinubu Administration spiked the base interest rate from 18% up to a staggering 27%. This was no mistake. In the US, for example, when you lend money to the government by buying Treasury Bills, federal bonds, municipal securities, or index funds, the interest you expect to make per year is at most 5%. But the Nigerian government is desperately signaling to these foreign speculators and international bondholders to come drop their dollars in Nigeria, effectively guaranteeing them a massive 27% interest by the end of the year. This might look like a huge economic win as foreign capital flows into the country, but this hot money never ends up in the pockets of ordinary Nigerians. It is never used to build schools, pay hospital bills, subsidize agriculture, fix dead refineries, or reduce house rents. The money just sits idly in the central bank to impress the IMF and World Bank creditors, proving to them that Nigeria is highly liquid and perfectly safe to lend to.
The absolute worst part of this trap is that it is not just the CBN increasing the base interest rates. The commercial banks are naturally forced to aggressively increase their lending rates even higher. Today, some predatory commercial banks are charging desperate businesses as much as 35% to 40% interest on loans. This financial terrorism has forced countless local businesses to drastically cut down production, lay off massive numbers of staff, and permanently close their branches in remote areas across Nigeria, forcing them to operate strictly within the suffocating limits of their own personal, depleted capital. It is practically mathematically impossible to borrow from a Nigerian bank, scale up production, create actual wealth, and employ the millions of struggling graduates in our society when you first have to pay 40% to the bank. Add that to the reunified currency making imports insanely expensive, meaning businesses still have to pay extra for imported raw materials, clear goods at exorbitant customs duties, pay multiple state taxes, and buy the hyper-expensive fuel that spiked in price due to the celebrated subsidy removal.
It is very possible to analyze this insulting press release further, but there is absolutely no need to waste the time. Clearly, this administration should not be celebrating warm handshakes, pat-on-the-back press releases, and polite diplomatic smiles from foreign creditors and international bondholders. They should be focusing entirely on the bleeding Nigerians who are brutally forced to carry the crushing, suffocating burden of these massive economic miscalculations just to please a comfortable, wealthy board of directors at the World Bank and the IMF.
From Oyo to Zamfara. Different regions, same embarrassment. While online idiots who don’t even have PVCs are busy spreading hate arguing who is worse between North and South, Fulani Hausa Yoruba or Igbo.
A people completely defeated.
Firstly, Ethiopia is under US sanctions while Vietnam is not. And speaking of former French colonies, Haiti was the first to get independence (1804) and is still one of the poorest countries in the world because of the debt they had to take on to gain independence (it took them until 1947 to fully repay it!). Whereas, New Caledonia is still a French colony and is neither rich nor poor.
"If colonialism were the answer to why Africa is poor..."
This line completely ignores the European powers' (and US) post-colonial control over Africa. Patrice Lumumba, the first democratically elected leader of the DRC, was tortured and killed by Belgium and the US for being a nationalist. His body was dissolved in acid so he wouldn't become a martyr. His legacy is largely unknown even within the continent. Several other such "lessons" were meted out. Google Thomas Sankara (Burkina Faso) and Sylvanus Olympio (Togo).
Once you set the example, you gain obedience. The VietCong, on the other hand, didn't surrender even though 3 million Vietnamese died during the war, and several thousand more continue to die to this day (!) from Agent Orange exposure.
As for former French colonies in Africa, France still controls their currency and holds their central bank reserves in France. As Rothschild purportedly said, "permit me to issue and control the money of a nation, and I care not who makes its laws."
Third, the borders in Africa were drawn in such a way that conflict was inevitable. At the Berlin Conference in 1884-85, the European powers simply carved up the continent by drawing straight line borders. African leaders were conspicuous only by their absence at this historic event which shaped the next century. This is why Cameroon, a French-speaking country, has a minority English-speaking territory, ensuring it remains destabilized. Likewise for West Asia/the Middle East, where the Sykes-Picot legacy lives on.
@magattew conflates formal colonial rule with colonial control. Vietnam managed to fully kick out both France and the US, reunified the North and the South, and kept its sovereignty. All African leaders who attempted the same have been systematically eliminated (see Muammar Gaddafi, Libya's divisive leader, for a recent example), ensuring Africa forever bears the open wounds of its colonial legacy.
But Ms. Wade is right on one thing: Vietnam owes its prosperity to overcoming colonial rule. Maybe Africa can become prosperous if Africans do the same.
The political contractor, see where the deal was seal with the Grasscutter, Babachir Lawal,Wike and Dogara. Babachir is an unrepentant agent of darkness. Senator Dino Melaye
Let me tell you something, my friend.
The North’s problem is real. Nobody serious should deny it. The poverty is real. The out-of-school children are real. The insecurity is real. The failure of leadership is real.
But if you want to understand the North, you cannot start the story from “they have had presidents.”
That is too shallow for a region with this much history, geography, trauma, religion, power politics, colonial distortion, elite failure, and security pressure.
The North did not wake up one morning and decide to hate education. There is a history behind that suspicion.
When the British entered Northern Nigeria, they met an already established Islamic political order. There were emirates, courts, scholars, taxation systems, trade routes, Islamic schools, judges, administrators, and a ruling class that already had its own idea of civilization.
Then colonial rule came with Western education, missionary activity, new courts, new administrative structures, and new incentives.
In many parts of the South, Western education entered through mission schools and became a ladder into the colonial economy. In much of the Muslim North, it carried a different meaning. It was not just “school.” It was seen by many as a vehicle for Christian influence, colonial loyalty, cultural erosion, and the weakening of existing Islamic authority.
That stigma did not come from the sky. It came from conquest, mistrust, and the way Western education arrived.
This is why the North’s education problem cannot be reduced to stupidity or laziness. It began partly as a defensive reaction to a real historical threat.
But here is the hard truth: the suspicion has outlived the threat.
A reaction that may have made sense under colonial pressure became destructive when the modern state began rewarding literacy, science, bureaucracy, technology, engineering, and formal administration.
At some point, protecting identity became indistinguishable from trapping children outside the future.
That is where Northern leadership failed badly.
The old Northern elite understood the danger earlier than people admit. Sir Ahmadu Bello did not sit down and say, “Let the North remain backward.” His Northernization agenda was a deliberate attempt to produce Northern teachers, administrators, civil servants, professionals, and political leadership quickly enough to prevent the region from being swallowed inside a new Nigerian state dominated by the already Western-educated South.
That agenda had flaws, but it worked in one important sense: it created a Northern administrative class.
The problem is that later leaders inherited the power but not the developmental seriousness.
They inherited the slogans, the emirates, the titles, the political machinery, and the federal access, but not the discipline of mass education, industrial policy, rural development, teacher training, agricultural modernization, and serious security planning.
So yes, the North has produced presidents.
But producing presidents is not the same as producing development.
Power without developmental discipline becomes distribution. It becomes appointments, contracts, pilgrim boards, federal slots, elite bargaining, and recycled patronage.
And geography also matters.
The North is not sitting beside the Atlantic like Lagos or Port Harcourt. It is tied to the Sahel. It shares long and porous borders with Niger, Chad, Cameroon, and Benin. When Libya collapsed, when weapons spread across the Sahel, when jihadist networks expanded, when climate stress hit pastoral routes, when Lake Chad communities were weakened, when Niger and Mali became unstable, the North inherited those shocks directly.
A farmer in Zamfara, a trader in Maiduguri, a herder around Sokoto, or a community in Katsina is not dealing only with “Nigerian leadership failure.” They are living inside a regional security crisis.
That does not excuse bad leadership. It explains why lazy comparisons are weak.
The North also suffered from the Nigerian resource curse in a particular way. Once oil money became the centre of the Nigerian state, productive regional economies were weakened. Groundnut pyramids, cotton, hides and skins, textiles, agriculture, local industry, and regional planning lost importance. Politics became a struggle for federal allocation instead of a competition to build productive capacity.
The North had land. It had people. It had agriculture. It had trade routes. But the oil state taught every region to look toward Abuja.
That destroyed initiative everywhere, but it damaged the North deeply because its strongest assets required long-term planning: irrigation, agro-processing, education, rural roads, livestock systems, border trade, and security coordination.
Now, after saying all that, responsibility must be accepted.
Northern leaders failed their own people.
They allowed almajiri children to become political decoration instead of a national emergency. They allowed banditry to grow from local criminality into a parallel economy. They allowed schools to decay. They allowed girls’ education to become negotiable. They allowed clerics and politicians to play games with reform. They used poverty as an election structure. They built loyalty through dependence.
That part is true.
But the answer is not to mock the North. The answer is to study what worked before and update it.
Ahmadu Bello’s Northernization agenda can be reimagined for the 21st century.
Not as ethnic exclusion or nostalgia. But as a serious regional human-capital project.
Mass teacher training. Boarding schools in secure zones. Integrated Qur’anic and formal education. Technical colleges tied to agriculture, energy, construction, mining, and logistics. Girls’ education backed by stipends and community negotiation. Agro-industrial clusters around Kano, Kaduna, Katsina, Sokoto, Bauchi, Gombe, Niger, and Borno. Livestock modernization instead of pretending open grazing can survive modern population pressure. Border security tied to trade, not just soldiers and checkpoints.
Other societies have faced versions of this problem.
Bangladesh attacked female education with stipends, community-level incentives, and a clear national push. Indonesia did not abolish its Islamic schools; it integrated many of them into a modern education pathway. Malaysia used state policy to expand opportunities for historically disadvantaged Malay communities, though with its own flaws. China took poor inland regions seriously through infrastructure, rural industry, technical training, and state coordination.
The lesson is simple: you do not fix historic backwardness by insults. You fix it with policy, discipline, and elite seriousness.
So yes, my friend, criticize Northern leadership. I do it too.
But do not flatten a whole region into “they had presidents and still failed.”
That is lazy analysis.
The North’s crisis is a product of bad leadership, colonial disruption, educational mistrust, Sahelian geography, oil-state laziness, elite capture, and security collapse.
And the way forward is also clear.
The North must stop hiding behind history.
The South must stop pretending history does not matter.
And Nigeria must understand that if the North remains broken, the country will not be stable, no matter how much one region mocks another online.
Saturday’s broadcast was all Arsenal, all the time, thanks to fan presenter Laura Woods and a pundit roster loaded lopsidedly in favour of the north Londonders at the expense of PSG balance, writes Alan Tyers ⬇️
https://t.co/F3V1w508cA
Remember when Arsenal were the joke?
Now rival fans need us to lose a Champions League final on penalties just to enjoy their season.
What a turnaround. 👏🏾
After watching this, every Arsenal fan should apologise to Wenger for saying Wenger out🥹
All the top four finishes, all the moments we sold our big players, it was all because he had to clear the clubs debts. No oil money was there to save us, that is why Chelsea, Man United, Liverpool and Man city left us behind for all these 20+ years.
He crawled so that Arteta could walk.
Tup ur hats off to the professor 🫡🥺