@OneSGW@bkelly776 Elite coach?! What are you seeing that suggests that? Elite coach, but somehow has what looks like the most uncoached team in the prem. Hasn't improved a single player (you'll say Grav last year but that looks to have been temporary) and the team's in game structure is a mess
@PaulEmbery@Con_Tomlinson Could operate a similar programme for native citizens too, so it's not totally two tier, except instead of deportation, they get tapering benefits over time to an extremely, low final baseline, unless they agree to voluntary work for community betterment, if can't find employment
@PaulEmbery@Con_Tomlinson Could make their NI programme different to native citizens. That then provides for time limited benefits, dependent upon their contribution levels whilst they worked here. If they can't get back on their feet in the appropriate time before, they lose their visa and have to leave
@WilcoFtbl Multi year price rises.... normalises the increases until we get above that £100 a game price where the locals sack it and give tickets up. Add it to the hostile environment for season ticket holders
All to try and free tickets up to sell to tourists who'll spend £200 a game
@ryanssking1@Rob_ThaBuilder Labour wants the immigrant voting bloc (who will use Labour's useful idiots until it's of sufficient scale, befoe turning and devouring them). Tories wanted immigrants to supress labour costs for business. The UK, since mid-90s, is dying between the jaws of these two grim credos
You've basically mandated a level of private assets in UK pensions, 50% of which, needs to be UK focused, in the Mansion House Accord you pillock. Causes potential opportunity costs, if that tranche could earn a higher return and/or lower risk elsewhere. It's financial repression
What this government is doing:
- making sure some energy infrastructure actually gets built after years of blockers holding back generation & grid
- driving up returns for pension savers (totally up to trustees or individuals whether that involves any particular investments)
@WilliamClouston@MrTCHarris I think you're an excellent, thoughtful speaker and leader William, but the fact that the SDP polled less than the Monster Raving Loony party in an area where SDP policies should cut through, should concern. How and when will the SDP raise it's profile?
@DeborahMeaden@FindaddyJ This has to be bait to generate replies and earn revenue from X...surely?! Nobody of sound mind, who valued their reputation amongst the public, would think this, let alone write it 🤡
@james_barton@claireharr@KonstantinKisin@tomhfh Culturally aligned immigration, like Ukrainian into Poland, isn't as corrosive or toxic, as mass unskilled immigration, from totally unaligned, 3rd world cultures
They Knew Mass Migration Would Break Britain. They Did It Anyway.
Prof Alan Manning, the former head of the government's own Migration Advisory Committee, was speaking publicly about Britain's immigration record when he said the quiet part out loud: mass migration was used to paper over economic failure, and it is now storing up serious long-term problems. Not warned about. Not predicted. Stored up. Deliberately.
That admission matters because it comes from the heart of the system that designed and defended the policy. Manning was not criticising from the outside. He was explaining how the state learned to substitute migration for reform. When austerity hollowed out public services and ministers refused to fix pay, productivity or training, immigration became the workaround. It was easier to import people than to repair the model.
For a time, this sleight of hand worked. Wage restraint in the NHS became "international recruitment". Universities starved of funding were turned into visa factories. A broken social care system was propped up with low-paid migrant labour instead of being rebuilt. Each failure was masked by the same answer: bring people in, keep the system moving, and push the costs into the future.
Manning now concedes what voters were told was heresy. The fiscal benefits of this approach were always short-term. The costs were always long-term. And those costs are not abstract. They show up in overcrowded housing markets, longer NHS waiting lists, classrooms stretched beyond capacity, stagnant wages at the bottom end of the labour market, and a welfare state carrying obligations it was never designed to absorb at this scale.
The OBR's figures remove the last layer of comfort. The average low-earning migrant, over a lifetime, costs the state more than they contribute. Again, this is not a moral judgement on individuals. It is a devastating judgement on a policy that knowingly brought people into a system that could not support them without degrading conditions for everyone else.
Manning's most revealing comparison is to public borrowing. Immigration, he says, was treated like debt: more money today, less tomorrow. That is exactly right. Governments spent social cohesion, infrastructure capacity and public consent to buy short-term stability and political quiet. The bill was deferred, not avoided.
And now the bill is arriving. Population growth has outpaced housing. Demand has outstripped services. Pay has been held down by design. Communities feel transformed without consent. Trust in institutions has collapsed. Even as net migration falls, the accumulated pressure remains. You do not undo a population surge of millions by announcing lower numbers and moving on.
What makes this scandalous is not that mistakes were made. It is that this was a conscious strategy. Migration was not a by-product of policy failure; it was the tool used to manage it. Instead of governing honestly, the state imported labour and called it compassion. Instead of reforming broken systems, it fed them new bodies and hoped they would cope.
Now the architects are retreating into the language of inevitability. "Long-run problems." "Unintended consequences." But there was nothing unintended about this. The trade-off was known. The warnings were issued. The decision was taken anyway.
This is why public anger does not subside when ministers say numbers are down. People understand, even if politicians pretend not to, that the damage was cumulative. You cannot stretch a country for a decade and then declare the crisis over because the inflow slows.
And the final indictment is this: a state that uses people to mask its failures is not humane. It is dishonest. And a political class that admits this only once the costs are locked in is not brave. It is exposed.
"The OBR's figures remove the last layer of comfort. The average low-earning migrant, over a lifetime, costs the state more than they contribute."
There is a point at which negligence becomes policy. Britain reached it long ago. The state abandoned its first duty – to guard its own – and replaced it with a creed that treats borders as obsolete, scrutiny as cruelty, and national protection as a sin. A government that fears being called harsh more than it fears harm will always sacrifice the innocent. In Leamington Spa, a 15-year-old girl paid the price for that sacrifice.
Two Afghan males, Jan Jahanzeb and Israr Niazal, arrived illegally by boat, claimed to be minors, and were accepted without proof of age or identity. They were housed in comfort, placed among children, and within months raped a young girl in a public park. Nothing about this was unforeseeable. The risk was plain. It was ignored because officials are trained to assume innocence from people they know nothing about, and to treat suspicion as a form of guilt.
The pair were not unknown quantities. They came from a society where male power is force, women are subordinate, and refusal carries punishment. None of this was obscure. None of it was beyond the wit of an official to understand. But ministers acted as though culture dissolves on contact with British soil. The state behaved not as a guardian, but as a host. It offered trust to strangers and withheld duty from its own.
Even after the crime, the instinct was the same: defend the story, not the child. Lawyers urged the court to conceal the men's immigration status because the public might "react." The fear was not public anger at a rape, but public anger at the policy that delivered the offenders here. A government shows its values by what it seeks to hide.
We once prided ourselves on courage and decency. Now we value safety from blame above safety from harm. The girl shouted for help. People kept walking. That single fact is a verdict on the age. We have been trained to look away because judgement carries a penalty. We built a culture where fear of being accused outweighs fear of what is happening in front of us. The violence was the work of two men. The paralysis was the work of a society that punishes clarity and rewards silence. Both were made here.
A judge warned that the crime could "damage public opinion of asylum seekers," as though the public has a duty to remain calm while the state gambles with their safety. Leaders import young men from rigid, patriarchal societies, fund them, house them among girls, and expect the population to smile through the outcomes. The public owes no such performance.
One offender will be deported. The other may stay and "build a life" in the same country where he inflicted lasting harm. That is the moral order in miniature: the rights of the offender treated as sacred, the duty to the victim treated as optional, national loyalty treated as suspect.
What happened in Leamington Spa will happen again. When a state imports large numbers of young men from societies hostile to women, without checks, without standards, without assimilation, and places them in a culture built on trust, the outcome is not diversity. It is damage. And the young, the weak, and the unprotected pay the price because they cannot refuse.
The first task of government is to protect its own. A government that treats that task as secondary has abandoned its claim to rule. Jahanzeb and Niazal did more than commit a crime. They exposed the belief at the heart of the modern state: that national loyalty is shameful, and national protection is wrong. A society that will not defend its daughters is not humane. It is finished. And those who designed this arrangement cannot wash their hands of it. They enabled it. They should be called to account.
"Jan Jahanzeb and Israr Niazal, arrived illegally by boat, claimed to be minors, and were accepted without proof of age or identity. They were housed in comfort, placed among children, and within months raped a young girl in a public park."
@AdnanHussainMP Good to see someone very visible in Muslim community finally speaking out on this...however, the radar is still unfortunately very much up for possible elements of "Taqiyya" here. Hopefully not the case!
@trussliz You got beat up by the system, that's true. But, it's because they could, so did. You weren't and were never going to be the fixer. Things are too far gone and it's going to need elite level political players now, which with all due respect, you are not
@Harryn9000@IanByrneMP@GNev2 It was...it's just gone turbo mode since Boris' joke govt made it worse. Brexit/Farage aren't the issue, Tory & Labour govts are. We have the means to sort it, but they don't want to. Tories because it helps business owners with cheap labour and Labour as they're buying votes