@SLGReview While state legislatures vary substantially in the frequency of leadership turnover (the paper also provides description of these patterns), leader turnover does not appear consequential in terms of shaping the floor agenda. (4/4)
Happy to share a new paper out in @SLGReview. In this paper, I consider whether leadership turnover in legislatures raises concerns about loss of institutional knowledge similar to those stemming from member turnover. (1/4)
https://t.co/hfD8QB5SSv
@SLGReview Ultimately, I find no differences. New leaders use cosponsor cues the same way that more experienced leaders do; reliance on these cues seems to be a “skilled intuition” that leaders quickly and universally develop.
(3/4)
Happy to see this one in print at @LSQjournal! with @ToddMakse — we looked at how institutional attachments impact career decisions among state legislators and how social position may affect ambitions. https://t.co/2Wu4EBtC0b
@profmusgrave You might be interested in this new paper of mine (re: the idea that all bicameral legislatures are roughly the same)
https://t.co/9fPluFSHZ7
While the typology used to describe bicameralism in comparative context focuses on formal powers and membership selection, I focus on a dimension I call “distinctiveness”—the degree to which the two chambers provide distinct or redundant venues for policy influence. (2/2)
My new article in @SPPQJournal, Bicameral Distinctiveness in American State Legislatures is up online now. https://t.co/9fPluFSHZ7
I argue that the nature of bicameralism differs across state legislatures in important ways that shape policy influence. (1/2)
@davidhughes_phd So true. Especially with state legislatures where M and N states are disproportionately filled with things that slow you down (e.g. nonpartisan unicam, off year elections, MMDs, non-numeric district names, weird term lengths/staggers, giant chambers).
New in print @PSJ_Editor. I find that two forms of expertise (professional background, committee service) predict authoring, cosponsoring policy innovations, but in subtly different ways throughout policy diffusion process. https://t.co/96wXNX6IN2
@asociologist The decline has maybe been slightly steeper on the GOP side (15.7% of GOP legislators were attorneys in 1993-96 vs. 13.2% in 2009-12) than for the Dems (20.7% to 18.9%) but not a huge difference.
@asociologist My paper in SPPQ covers professional backgrounds of state legislators from 1993-2012.
https://t.co/K7Q25jacsj
Data can be found at:
https://t.co/39h6I40Uq6