My Everton #177: Lee Wanwoo 🇰🇷
I am a passionate Evertonian of South Korea.
I have been a supporter of the Club since 2008. Even though the team was financially struggling at the time, I was captivated by how David Moyes' tactics and the players' spirit produced top-tier results every season (I also love the colour blue!).
Since then, I've been supporting Everton, and currently I also cover Everton's fan page on the Korean football channel 'One Two Punch'.
I also work as a football commentator for South Korea, and I am the only one in the country who broadcasts Everton matches on the day they are played. I hope I'm doing my bit for the Everton cause and I'd love for our club to become more popular over here in future.
I will support you until the end. Let's hope we can get back to European nights and success soon!
Up the Toffees.
Liberal political philosophers, including Gerald Gauss, have expanded on Hayek’s perspective to take a more positive view of the relationship between democracy and the market, and this perspective is being given serious consideration. Because Hayek is a highly influential figure and his followers hold a wide range of views, we must approach this topic with greater caution.
I am not an expert on Hayek, but I believe that one of his main intentions in presenting his constitutional theory was to insulate much of government action from the influence of special interest groups, so that the government would not degenerate into a tool of cronyism but would instead remain committed to upholding general rules of conduct. Therefore, while the subsequent explanation may have been poorly phrased (I am not a native English speaker), I do not believe it undermined his original intent in terms of substance.
@PetraSuMaier I agree. Since I’m not a native English speaker either, I have a hard time knowing what constitutes polite and appropriate English. It seems that many English speakers have an unfair misunderstanding of Hope’s way of speaking.
If interpreted in light of the principle of charity, I believe that rather than seriously denying the Holocaust—a state crime—he was taking issue with the political exploitation of historical taboos and used it as one of several indirect arguments to condemn Israel’s crimes in Palestine. However, interpreting it this way does not make his remarks wise or justifiable. Especially considering that many people find Hoppe’s various viewpoints repugnant, it is certain that these remarks will invite unnecessary suspicion and backlash, regardless of his original intent.
This issue is not limited to Holocaust revisionism. The denial or minimization of historical violence can provoke even stronger backlash depending on the political context in which it is raised. I believe the Asian examples most closely related to Holocaust revisionism are revisionism regarding the Nanjing Massacre and revisionism regarding the Korean victims of Japanese military sexual violence (comfort women). Both cases were perpetrated by the Japanese Empire—a fascist state in Asia that served as a counterpart to Nazi Germany—and were ruled crimes by official national judicial bodies similar to the Nuremberg Trials; yet even today, revisionism persists that seeks to deny their existence or downplay their scale. The latter, in particular, presents a unique case worthy of attention from libertarians.
Jason Morgan is an American historian who serves as a university professor in Japan. Although he is not a libertarian, he frequently contributes to the Mises Institute—much like Hans-Hermann Hoppe—and holds considerable sympathy for Austro-libertarianism. Judging by his articles for the Mises Institute, he appears to be a typical anarcho-libertarian. However, he writes numerous articles in Japanese and gives public speeches defending Japan’s invasion of Asia. He argues that the Pacific War was a heroic and just war waged by Japan to liberate Asia from the West.
He denies the fact that the Japanese military abducted or deceived women in Asian countries, including Korea, to operate a system of forced and violent sexual slavery. He believes this is a statist myth that has been exaggerated by “anti-Japanese” governments, including the United States. In other words, he takes the same view regarding Japan’s major war crimes as Hoppe does regarding the Holocaust.
Since Morgan holds a Ph.D. in history, he likely knows more about history than I do. I have little interest in history and lack the expertise to determine whether his claims are right or wrong. However, regardless of whether his claims are factual, it is entirely understandable that people would find it offensive when someone who portrays Japan’s war of aggression as heroic and just denies or downplays the Japanese military’s war crimes. There are similar parallels in the case of Hoppe. Many people—not only outside the libertarian camp but also within it—suspect that certain of Hoppe’s statements or political views are driven by alt-right, neo-reactionary, or fascist motivations. In such a context, making such statements is bound to provoke serious backlash. I'm personally a fan of Hoppe, but I don't think these remarks were wise.
Dr. Hans-Hermann Hoppe criticizes any comparison between Gaza and the Holocaust, citing the lack of forensic evidence and the nature of the Nuremberg trials in contrast to the videos of Israeli criminality.
“Nothing like this happened in WWI.
Nothing like this happened in WWII.”
@burnthalies Hayekians at George Mason and Arizona are engaged in a much more contemporary discussion in this field, and this is something Rothbardians should emulate.
Among the professional philosophers I know who are interested in libertarianism and Austrian economics, most are highly critical of praxeology, Rothbard, and Hoppe. I believe there are compelling reasons for this.
Although I am also studying philosophy in graduate school (though, of course, I do not have a PhD in philosophy), I remain sympathetic to them. The reasons are as follows.
First, at least for now, I am not majoring in political philosophy but rather in the philosophy of science. For me, topics such as which steps of the argument Rothbard skipped regarding the foundation of natural rights in EOL or the exaggerated role of the NAP are not primary research interests. Since PPE merely provides me with insights for my research and I have no specific plans yet to engage in critical thinking on these topics.
However, from the perspective of the philosophy of science, I believe that the Misesian-Rothbardian-Hoppean version of Austrian Economics remains stuck at the level of 70-year-old logical positivism and Popperian philosophy of science, and that its arguments lack systematic rigor compared to epistemologies that entail a somewhat heavier burden of proof. Given their writing and argumentative style, I believe it is reasonable to speculate that similar problems likely exist in their political philosophy as well. However, for the time being, I am pursuing a state of willful ignorance in the field of political philosophy.
Second, I believe that political philosophy in the Rothbardian tradition remains at the stage of a preliminary research program with the potential to develop into a more sophisticated and refined form; it has not yet reached maturity(In my opinion, David Gordon of LvMI, had he been so inclined, could have written about Rothbardian political philosophy). Of course, professional political philosophers who make their living from the field may think differently, but from a pluralistic perspective, I believe that such an early-stage research program must be immune to criticism to a certain extent in order to grow in the future.
A relevant parallel can be found in the philosophy of science. While the original form of Misesian praxeology would undoubtedly be unanimously rejected by all professional philosophers of science, the versions modified by Linsbichler and Córdoba have been published in prominent journals of the philosophy of science. It cannot be ruled out that similar attempts will be made regarding Rothbardian political philosophy. And in fact, it appears that such development is taking place to some extent in Poland, rather than in the United States, which is the center of the philosophical community.
Hoppe (and the Rothbardians) do a good job of refuting logical positivism and Popper, but their problem is that they fail to address the various arguments that the philosophy of science in the English-speaking world has developed over the past 70 years to further solidify the philosophical foundations of mainstream economics and other empiricist social sciences.
Furthermore, the original positions of logical positivism and Popper themselves—regardless of whether they are still naively adopted by actual scientists—are no longer considered worthy of serious philosophical defense today. The starting point of contemporary philosophy of science is an examination of how logical positivism and Popper’s original position failed. Hoppe’s critique is not unique in this regard. He has not kept up with developments in the philosophy of science since the 1970s, when he was a graduate student. This may not be a major shortcoming, given that his interest in the field has waned since then.
I have little interest in the history of the Europe-Atlantic world, to which I do not belong. I only know that the Holocaust was horrific; I do not fully understand what it means in Western society. Therefore, no matter what anyone says on this subject, their remarks will not change my assessment on that person.
However, I’m not sure that calling for a reevaluation and revisionism regarding the Holocaust is necessarily an agenda that libertarians should pursue. There are many more important issues we should be opposing: big government, inflation, war, the welfare state, intellectual property rights, and so on. It does not seem like a good strategy to damage our reputation by making statements that are likely to generate a lot of negative sentiment on topics that are not particularly important and that we do not need to address.
Hoppe is German, and given that his parents’ generation lived through World War II, this issue may feel different to him, but I believe there are other important issues he is better equipped to address.
It has been confirmed that some of his research during his time in Germany (he appears to have completed his PhD and Habilitation at the University of Frankfurt and worked at the Technical University of Braunschweig; however, as I am unfamiliar with the academic system of German universities, I do not know what his exact position was) and during his postdoctoral research at the University of Michigan was unrelated to the Austrian School. He published three major works in German; among them, Handeln und Erkennen—a work developed from his doctoral dissertation—focuses on David Hume. It has also been confirmed that he published papers in Quality and Quantity, a European English-language academic journal currently classified as Q1, as well as in Zeitschrift für Soziologie (which, according to the German Wikipedia, is Germany’s leading social science journal).
Although it has not yet been possible to clearly examine exactly what he researched and argued during this period, it seems reasonable to say that, even before he became interested in the Austrian School, he was already conducting research on topics typical of the philosophy of science—such as the validity of causal inference in the social sciences and the tendency to emulate the methodology of the natural sciences—and that it was while developing these interests that he came to embrace Mises and Rothbard and shifted his academic activities to the United States.
It is true that his popular online influence and reputation (or notoriety) in the “Counterculture” are based on his English-language research from 1985 onward—the peer-review status of which is questionable—and that, in fact, few people, including Hoppe himself, pay much attention to his time in Germany. Furthermore, given how long ago his research from that period was conducted, it is unclear whether it remains relevant today. However, at least until he began working with Rothbard, he followed the standard path of a philosopher—through graduate school, habilitation, postdoctoral work, adjunct teaching, and the publication of papers—so can’t we say that he is or was a philosopher?
In my view, for such a claim to be convincing, one must be able to present evidence that the individual’s service was voluntary or, at the very least, that he or she colluded in the atrocities. An aggressor nation inflicts harm on its own citizens just as much as it does on the nations it invades. Simply mentioning that Hoppe’s father was forced to spend the youngest and healthiest years of his life as a criminal, mobilized as a slave laborer for Hitler’s purposes, without presenting plausible evidence that he was involved in war crimes, is nothing but an insult.
In the early 20th century, all German men of legal age were conscripted into the German military. That was not a choice Hoppe’s father made. I, too, was forcibly conscripted by the South Korean government to serve in the military for two years, but I do not believe this made me a lackey of American imperialism hostile to North Korea and China. Your attitude of blaming conscription victims for having been conscripted is just as evil as—or even more evil than—Hoppe’s Holocaust revisionism.
Hans-Hermann Hoppe is not an idiot, so what he’s doing here is just evil. To say that nothing in WWI or WWII rivals what Israel is doing in Gaza is absurd, even if you accept the most maximalist anti-Israel position on Gaza. And then he immediately pivots to Holocaust denial. Really fitting hearing this in that German accent. Hoppe’s father served in the German army during WWII btw.
Since I relied on Grok’s automatic translation to read this, I may not have fully grasped your intended meaning, but the analysis that Poland’s historical role as a major hub for praxeology influenced the formation of the so-called Polish school of austro-libertarianism today seems plausible. I also agree that, while the main philosophical and Methodological tenets of the Austrian School may have been plausible in the early to mid-20th century, they ignore the progress made over the past 70 years in the very areas they criticized, and that this is a bad habit that must be corrected for the school’s healthier development.
In the early 20th century, all German men of legal age were conscripted into the German military. That was not a choice Hoppe’s father made. I, too, was forcibly conscripted by the South Korean government to serve in the military for two years, but I do not believe this made me a lackey of American imperialism hostile to North Korea and China. Your attitude of blaming conscription victims for having been conscripted is just as evil as—or even more evil than—Hoppe’s Holocaust revisionism.