The victory of the opposition in Hungary yesterday, like the Polish election in 2023, is a victory for democracy, not just in Europe but around the world. Most of all, it’s a testament to the resilience and determination of the Hungarian people – and a reminder to all of us to keep striving for fairness, equality and the rule of law.
FIDESZ thugs are intimidating voters!Election fraud by FIDESZ caught on tape! People are entering voting spaces, not letting the public vote privately. Theyre checking whether they crossed the "right" circle. Absolutely disgusting. This is what we're up against in Hungary.
@__TheCollector_@majnibee@Bede_Zsolti Igen, de közben rájött, hogy most éppen úgy tesznek, mintha az ellenzék hergelné a világot és ebbe nem fér vele az ökölharcra hívás. Változott a narratíva és a jó katona teljesítí a parancsot. Kérdés, hogy valójában mennyire tudja kordában tartani a karlendítő mancsait.
@Jeszy661937 @petike19840226 Nem is tudom, hogy ki hozta kapcsolatba a saját megsebesült apját mindenféle démonokkal, meg ördögökkel, mert mást gondolt.
Több éven keresztül hergeltétek az embereket és most követelitek a hergelés befejezését, ami valójában a ti eszközötök.
Quick tutorial on controlling #C64 SID chip from your DAW with some fantastic products: TeensyROM or USBsid-Pico, paired with Chipsynth C64. Here’s how to do it 👾 I'll drop product links in comments. #chiptune
@JBiberika Tehát a Fideszre szavazók bújhatnak anya szoknyája mögé továbbra is, mert infantilisek, viszont a Tisza szavazók már önallóak, életre alkalmasak, akik eléggé talpraesettek, hogy önalló, saját háztartást kezdjenek, amit a szülők is támogatnak?
🟠 HVG: Fidesz is preparing not only for election defeat but also for a fast comeback
According to HVG, a leading Hungarian weekly, governing party Fidesz is internally preparing for a possible loss in the upcoming 2026 national elections, but they’re already laying out a strategy for regaining power quickly, possibly within four years.
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🔹 Key points with context:
‣ A source familiar with Fidesz’s inner workings told HVG that even in the Prime Minister’s Office at the Carmelite Monastery (Orbán’s de facto HQ), they now accept the risk of losing. However, they believe the “deep state” institutions they’ve secured with two-thirds supermajority laws, like:
• the Chief Prosecutor (currently Péter Polt, loyal to Fidesz),
• the President of the Republic (a ceremonial but influential role),
• the Constitutional Court (which can block legislation),
• the Budget Council (which can veto financial policies),
…will effectively paralyze the opposition if it comes to power. They believe that Péter Magyar, leader of the new opposition movement TISZA, will have his hands tied, and governing will be like “running a sack race”.
‣ They see Poland as the model: after the opposition defeated the ruling Law and Justice (PiS) party, PiS quickly regrouped and may return to power despite losing control of government.
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🔹 Power games and backdoor plans:
‣ One insider claimed Orbán might give Péter Magyar kompromat on some discredited Fidesz members to redirect scrutiny and protect more important figures. Essentially, a sacrifice play.
‣ There was also mention of “removing” Magyar from politics before year’s end, but the source said this is now risky and likely impossible right before the election. This could imply smear campaigns, legal action, or character assassination, which Fidesz has historically used against opponents.
🔹 Trying to block a two-thirds majority:
‣ Even if defeat is inevitable, Fidesz is trying to prevent the opposition from gaining a two-thirds “constitutional majority.” Why? Because with that majority, the opposition could dismantle Fidesz’s legal traps and institutional stranglehold.
‣ Some within Fidesz are pushing to change the electoral system again, possibly making it more proportional (like switching to full party lists or removing the “winner compensation” rule that boosts the leading party). This is ironic, since Fidesz wrote these distortions into the system to entrench themselves—and now they fear those rules might give TISZA a supermajority.
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🔹 Orbán’s fading presence:
‣ Sources say Orbán has lost his edge. Once seen as sharp and dominant, he’s reportedly gained weight again and reverted to simplistic “one-bit” messaging. This refers to the government’s crude propaganda style, often reducing debates to yes/no, us/them narratives, mostly pushed through state-run media and Orban-aligned outlets.
‣ Some within Fidesz are increasingly critical, not just of Orbán’s recent performance, but also of the propaganda media machine, which they feel is no longer effective.
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🔹 Lázár’s trial balloon and fears:
‣ The article mentions János Lázár, a senior Fidesz politician, who recently launched a direct Q&A-style public forum (“Lázár-info”). This is being tested as a countermeasure to Péter Magyar’s national tour, which has drawn huge crowds and media attention.
‣ If it proves successful, other Fidesz politicians, possibly even Orbán himself, might follow with similar town hall formats. However, some within Fidesz are terrified of Lázár rising, because he’s viewed as ambitious, unpredictable, and prone to betrayal, they fear he could seize leadership if Orbán steps back.
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