🚨🚨L'eurodeputé @BotengaM s'est encore levé pour encore une fois dénoncer l'#EU🇪🇺, les #USA🇺🇸, etc..avec leur pantin @paulkagame🇨🇩
➡️➡️A l'est du Congo, c'est la guerre. Le M-23, soutenu par le Rwanda, y avance pour voler les richesses naturelles. Ce qui est moins connu, c'est que l'Europe a signé une série d'accords avec le Rwanda qui en fait encouragent le pillage des matières premières. Envoyez un message à Ursula von der Leyen, Kaja Kallas et les dirigeants européens : stop au pillage du Congo, dit @BotengaM.
➡️➡️La #MAE #Wagner_Kayikwamba🇨🇩 a à son tour mis ces assassins à leur place
Plusieurs ambassades, dont celles de la #France 🇫🇷, des #ÉtatsUnis 🇺🇸 et du #Rwanda 🇷🇼, ont été attaquées mardi à #Kinshasa par des manifestants dénonçant le conflit dans l'est de la #RDCongo 🇨🇩
This is a confidential Airgram message from the American State Department archives, dated October 29, 1965.
It was sent from its consulate in Bukavu, in Eastern Zaire, now the DRC.
The DRC had been independent from Belgian colonial rule for five years, and Rwanda had been independent for three years.
It states that the Congolese government’s local administration was treating its own Banyarwanda citizens as refugees and violating their rights.
As I explained in my previous tweet, the colonial border between Rwanda and the DRC was drawn in such a way that part of the Rwandese kingdom was incorporated into the Eastern DRC.
It is like Zimbabwe treating the Tonga-speaking people in Mashonaland West, in Kariba, as refugees and claiming they belong to Zambia, or the South African government treating the Tswana-speaking population in the North West as refugees and insisting they should go to Botswana.
Samora Machel once said that for the nation to survive, the tribe must die.
Machel joked with Robert Mugabe that Mozambique should end in Marondera.
The colonial border between Mozambique and Zimbabwe, in the eastern part of Zimbabwe, left Shona-speaking people on both sides of the border.
Today, if you drive from Mutare to Manica and proceed to Chimoio, you will find that they all speak Shona with a different accent, but we are the same people divided by a colonial border.
The Shona speaking Mozambicans are not refugees in Mozambique, they are on their land, it is the colonial border that defined them as Mozambican instead of being Zimbabwean.
The Berlin Conference of 1885 created this mess, which many African countries have managed well, except in places like Eastern Congo, where successive governments in Kinshasa have treated the Banyarwanda as refugees on their own land and stripped them of citizenship.
The trouble is that many people today are trying to fix the symptoms of the crisis instead of addressing the root cause, which is the DRC government in Kinshasa failing to treat its Banyarwanda citizens as Congolese and providing them with the same protection it affords to other Congolese from other ethnic groups.
The looting taking place in Eastern DRC is a symptom of a failed government in Kinshasa, which has never had the appetite to fully govern its country as a modern state due to kleptomaniac leaders like Mobutu Sese Seko, who looted the public purse so recklessly that many parts of the DRC have no roads at all.
The external influences at play in Eastern DRC are a direct result of the DRC’s failure in governance, further exacerbated by the fact that the Rwandese who committed genocide in Rwanda, killing one million people, sought refuge in Eastern DRC.
Many of them were incorporated into the DRC army, creating an additional layer of security concerns for both Rwanda and the Banyarwanda in the DRC.
If those issues are resolved, the problem would disappear, and external actors would have no excuse to remain in the DRC.
As long as everyone involved continues to focus on today’s symptoms rather than the root cause, the problem will persist!
The consequences of the 1885 Berlin Conference continue to shape the borders and geopolitical landscape of Africa, contributing to conflicts and instability in various regions.
The case of the Banyarwanda people in the Eastern Congo serves as a prime example of how colonial borders have led to disputed identities, citizenship rights, and tensions between neighboring countries some which have led to new states being created like South Sudan.
Five years ago, I wrote about my great-grandfather’s journey from the border of modern-day Mozambique to Murewa.
I am not Zezuru; I am Barwe.
ZANUPF politician Obert Gutu wrote tweets calling me a Mozambican, despite the fact that my great-grandfather, Mukusha, moved to Murewa before the establishment of colonial borders.
It is a disease which inflicts many backward Africans, it can only be cured with more education and understanding!
🚨 #Goma : Après avoir abandonné une centaines de véhicules et munitions , plusieurs éléments de la #FARDC craignant pour leurs vies jettent leurs tenues militaires et demandent à la population des vêtements pour se faire passer pour des civils aux yeux des #M23#PrayForGOMA 🇨🇩
Urgent !!!
Je confirme la mort du gouverneur militaire du nord kivu. Selon mes caméras, après avoir été touché au front, le Général Chirimwami a été abandonné par #Kinshasa. Pero, nous avons appelé toutes les autorités pour son évacuation, de Tshisekedi en passant par Muadiamvita, Jacquemain Shanani etc, personne n'a pris son phone, me lancent ses collaborateurs. Abandonné et ayant perdu beaucoup de sang, Chirimwami est décédé le soir et son corps ramené à Kinshasa. F. Tshisekedi a peur d'annoncer sa mort pour ne pas énerver les wazalendo et Fdlr qu'il gérait. Wazalendo et Fdlr, impayés, risquent de se soulever en l'absence de Chirimwami, leur point focal tué.
Drake alleges in the lawsuit that UMG permitted content creators such as Kai Cenat, Zias, NoLifeShaq, RDC Gaming, and CartierFamily to monetize reactions to “Not Like Us” without enforcing copyright claims. He claims this lack of enforcement enabled the spread of defamatory content while generating profits for both UMG and the creators, prioritizing revenue over Drake’s safety.