For this Saturday's @TheTimesBooks, I revisited Sillitoe's blokey debut in Nottingham, land of the immortal working-class rebel: Arthur Seaton.
Thanks for the generous edits and guidance @RobbieTimes.
https://t.co/Np5SKbHpCR
First time he's sounded unclear and uneasy - immigration is definitely a weak spot. He's not confident here & doesn't appear to have an understanding or a 'grip' on the problem. If he thinks he can quell this with safe routes & changing the status academically of people coming in he's going to learn quickly- a high percentage of the country doesn't want 'safe routes' they want no route.
citizen! at the rally you did not speak the standard greeting of “a-bosh!” but used the forbidden “baaaaaaaash” indicating support for proscribed guerrilla fighter big john you are now under arrest
Underdogs is fun with novel insights
But Budd is married to a '90s style of politics and has little (nothing) to say about the Boris-wave
Hard to take a 2025 book on identity, culture, and demography seriously with such an omission
@TheCriticMag
https://t.co/PYxrCfHIDH
British novelist John Braine, best known for Room at the Top, was born on this day in 1922. On the anniversary of his birth, Brad Strotten reflects on Braine’s literary legacy, his exploration of masculine desire and class ambition.
https://t.co/LevrSPUm1b
For @unherd on the revolt brewing in London's hinterlands amidst demographic upheaval and the new 21st century England being born...
https://t.co/p0gfZ2ziIs
“What is being touted as a crisis of masculinity,” argues @BradStrotten, “Is often rooted in socio-economic and geographical divides”
https://t.co/01ZFKjiEnZ
There are problems facing men that cross class lines.
But what is touted as a crisis of masculinity is often rooted in socio-economic divides.
We've had the data on this a while.
Yet rarely mention it.
Latest for @TheCriticMag
https://t.co/EuIHsZzhSk
This is a really well observed and lyrical piece, above all about life for men in provincial "non place" England. Please read. Brad is a great writer who deserves more exposure 👇
South Korean Nobel laureate Han Kang’s literary experimentation thwarts rather than advances her professed concern for the suffering of everyone, everywhere, all the time, writes @BradStrotten
https://t.co/2FuIIGS5Ae
Simon Schama wants to unite a fractured Britain by appealing to our common culture. That sounds like a great idea, until you realise what he means: he wants us to bow down to the same BBC orthodoxies that are causing all the division, says Bradley Strotten
https://t.co/BsSbTnaUAV
Our view is that whipping MPs into voting against a national inquiry is a mistake that we will come to regret.
This story is not going anywhere. The dam has broken — at long last.
In the same way that the post office inquiry shed light on injustices and gave voice to their victims, a national inquiry would give the worst series of atrocities in modern British history - and the failures at every level of the state that enabled them - their due.
We still do not have answers to the most basic questions about this horror, including the number of victims, the identities of all the perpetrators, and the names of those in positions of power and authority who are responsible for covering up or otherwise enabling this abuse.
A national inquiry would also give the victims a long overdue opportunity to be heard.
The victims and their families were working class, surrounded by people and systems that were too often dismissive, disbelieving or outright hostile to working-class people.
They were teenage girls, in a culture that found it too easy to doubt vulnerable girls’ credibility.
And they were white victims of men of mostly Pakistani origin, in an institutional culture that was terrified of being accused of racism and seemed more interested in 'managing community relations’ than robust and impartial policing.
We are still a long way from justice. A full national inquiry would be a start.
Lessons from America, the path for the right remains clear - a pro-working class mix of social, cultural and economic security with yes protectionism. This is the policy mix across the West that drives the success of the new right - whereas in the UK the conventional right just offers the same failed mix of social and economic liberalism