Mathiang's security department worked a lot of overtime, no days off, no coffee breaks, no missed assignments. For five games in Pretoria and four more in Kigali, every rebound request was carefully reviewed. Most were rejected!
Anfield isn’t haunted by ghosts.
It’s inspired by them.
Every great European night leaves something behind.
A memory.
A belief.
A reminder that impossible is a dangerous word to use around Liverpool. #LFC
Hello Filip Reyntjens @freyntje! You're a habitual liar, and all honest people know that perfectly well. But this time, don't try to distort the very essence of my message. The ethnic profiling of agents coming from the State Institutions of the Habyarimana regime are not those of the MINUBUMWE, but those dating from 1992 of the regime of your friend whom you served as Legal Advisor. We do not have in Rwanda today Institutions called ONATRACOM, OPROVIA, OCIR, ONAPO, etc. That's clearly stated in my message that you distort for your false interests. My message copies the ethnic records of Habyarimana regime that his son @haby_haby2 wrongly tries to magnifies. This practice of ethnic profiling was the practice of the Habyarimana's regime you served, whose discriminatory 1978 constitution you wrote.
Discrimination, therefore, is not a practice of MINUBUMWE but of the regime to which you provided the legal instruments for this purpose. You want me to dissect your constitution? Let's go.
Firstly, its preamble caused scandal by legitimizing the killings that had targeted the Tutsi since November 1959, describing them as an act of liberation: "Considering the work of liberation undertaken by the Revolution of 1959 (...), Determined to continue the work of renewal undertaken since the memorable day of 7 July 1973, with a view to safeguarding the achievements of the Revolution of 1959 (...), Establishes and adopts this Constitution for the Republic of Rwanda."
Such constitutional recognition amounts to legitimizing the exercise of power based on racism, discrimination and ethnic killings targeting part of Rwanda's population, the Tutsi. At the time of drafting this Constitution, knew that the Rwandan regime had enshrined the practice of ethnicist and criminal logic, notably through the massacres of more than 2,000 Tutsi in the prefecture of Byumba in March 1962 and the genocide committed in December 1963 in the prefectures of Gikongoro, Cyangugu, Kibungo, Kibuye, Ruhengeri, Gisenyi, Kigali and Bugesera, which claimed the lives of more than 35,000 Tutsi. Reyntjens was fully aware of this cruel reality and had a duty to draft a constitution that enshrined respect for human rights.
Secondly, discrimination is enshrined in several provisions that support the MRND as the sole political party and a powerful president who manages all state affairs alone. Thus, Article 7 rejects any democratic opening: "The Rwandan people are politically organized within the National Revolutionary Movement for Development, the sole political formation outside of which no political activity may be carried out. (...) Every Rwandan is automatically a member of the National Revolutionary Movement for Development."
In Article 40, Reyntjens' Constitution grants the president of the MRND the sole and exclusive right to stand as a candidate for the office of president of the Republic: "The president of the National Revolutionary Movement for Development is the only candidate for the presidency of the Republic." The same article then excludes young people from acceding to presidential power: "The candidate for the presidency of the Republic must be thirty-five years of age." It also excludes term limits: "The President of the Republic is eligible for re-election." This article therefore legally authorises the President of the Republic, in this case General Juvénal Habyarimana, to run for election alone as many times as he wishes. When drafting this provision, was Reyntjens unaware of the value of democratic transition?
Reyntjens' Rwandan Constitution goes further in Article 42 by strengthening all powers within the MRND, establishing that in the event of "prevention, inability to express his will, resignation, death or any other cause of cessation of his activities, the President of the Republic shall be replaced by the Secretary-General of the National Revolutionary Movement for Development until the election of a new President of the Republic."
When Reyntjens drafted the 1978 Constitution, Rwanda had laws and regulations limiting Tutsi access to secondary and higher education. In an attempt to survive these discriminatory laws, some parents, mainly Tutsi, had joined forces to create private schools such as APACOPE in Kigali and CEFOTEC in Butare. The state blocked them by not recognizing their diplomas. Reyntjens was well aware of this, but instead of correcting this injustice in his constitutional text, he clearly reinforced it in Article 26: "The recognition of diplomas or certificates from private education, as well as education provided, in whole or in part, shall be regulated by law.” Why did Reyntjens not remove this discrimination and write a text that complied with international standards enshrining the right to education for all children?
Filip Reyntjens persisted in supporting these positions even at a time when he must have realized that he had made serious mistakes in supporting an oppressive regime. In November 1990, for example, he collaborated with Belgian NGOs on a brochure entitled "Rwanda. What now?", in which he supported the ethnic discrimination practiced by the MRND regime on the basis of the 1978 Constitution, noting that it had brought peace to Rwanda: "The quota system has undoubtedly contributed to ethnic pacification in Rwanda. This is one of the merits of the Second Republic, which has been successful in this area. (...) The regime has achieved significant success in the areas of development, democracy and respect for human rights." (Philippe Brewaeys, Rwanda 1994 : Noirs et Blancs menteurs, Racine, Bruxelles, 2013.)
In a word, faced with such aberrations come from your pen, and which gave rise to the last genocide on he 20th century, that of Tutsi of Rwanda, what do you honestly have to teach the Rwandans who stopped this genocide and who are rebuilding the UNITY of their country which you destroyed with your MRND cronies? Nothing and nothing.
We need to create a new award worthy of achievements such as those accomplished by President #Kagame, including stopping a genocide. The Nobel Peace Prize has somewhat lost its value because it has, on more than one occasion, been awarded to people who did not truly merit it...
@MariaCorinaYA
A genuine question : could @SecRubio even find the #DRC on a map ? 🤣
(And I'm being generous—I’m not asking him to locate #Rwanda or Burundi with his usual intellectual shortsightedness...)
You'd think twice before putting him in charge of a Sunday afternoon barbecue. So why does he imagine the rest of the world is waiting for his wisdom ? 😆
P.S. I always tell my students that it will be up to their generation to reform the @UN by abolishing the veto power and then building a fairer international system.
If there is one message I hope they take away from my International Law course, it is this. 📚☕️
Why “additional” measures when initial measures are yet to be undertaken against the DRC’s failure to initiate the neutralization of the FDLR?
So, the use of the word “additional” points to the failure of impartial mediation, which is undermining the Washington Agreement.
Solution: the US should return to the Washington Agreement and enforce it impartially.
My latest ✍🏽 📄 "The greatest propaganda campaign of the modern era, the campaign to present colonial domination and epistemic injustice as natural, even moral, is being eroded by its architects as we watch, but somehow this is not enough to jolt those who claim to oppose it into action."
https://t.co/hDRH1EozUQ
For the last two days, I have struggled to write about what I witnessed in Kinigi. I struggled to find words powerful enough to describe the suffering, the destruction, and the cruelty inflicted upon innocent people. What I saw forced me to ask a question: is Félix Tshisekedi acting as a statesman, or as a man willing to sacrifice entire communities to maintain power?
On June 3, the Governor of North Kivu, Bahati Musanga Erasto, and his delegation visited Kinigi, just like Kasenyi, Cyugi, Runigi, Ruki, Katoyi, and other localities that were devastated by attacks carried out by FARDC and its allies, using every killing machine to hurt these communities. Hospitals, schools, and churches were bombed, by drones and heavy artillery shells. Civilians were shot. Others were hacked with machetes. Homes were burned. Entire communities were left traumatized.
One fact must be clearly understood by the international community: these are overwhelmingly Hutu communities. Yet many of those used to attack them are Wazalendo militias and FDLR elements who are mainly hutu, operating alongside FARDC and Burundian forces.
This reality destroys the simplistic tribal narrative often used to explain the conflict.
What happened in Kinigi demonstrates that the problem is not ethnicity. The problem is a system of governance built on division, manipulation, and violence. When people are abandoned by their leaders, when poverty and insecurity become permanent, survival instincts take over. Communities are turned against one another. Neighbors become enemies. Brothers are manipulated into killing brothers.
The ideology of hatred does not stop at one ethnic group. It consumes everyone in its path.
The people of Kinigi suffered at the hands of men who share, tribe, language, their villages, and in many cases even their family ties. Uncles were turned against nephews. Neighbors against neighbors. All manipulated, armed, financed, and encouraged by Tshisekedi sitting more than 2,000 kilometers away from the battlefield, controlling, and financing it remotely with the help of international community.
The material destruction is immense. The psychological scars are permanent.
Yet despite everything, the people of Kinigi stood firm. They resisted. They refused to abandon their homes and their livelihoods to looters and killers. Every morning they approached ARC soldiers asking how they could help defend their community. They chose courage over fear.
Their resilience was met with action. Following the visit, our leadership provided roofing sheets to families whose homes had been destroyed. Those who had lost their livestock to looting were also assisted. Governor Bahati Musanga Erasto personally distributed goats to affected families, helping them rebuild not only their homes but also their means of survival. This is what responsible leadership looks like: standing with the population in their darkest hour, not abandoning them.
Their story deserves to be told across the entire DRC and beyond, and should be the model for DRC to be free. Kinigi is proof that ordinary Congolese people are not naturally divided by tribe. They are victims of a political system that profits from division. And Kinigi is proof that communities can reject that manipulation and stand together in defense of their dignity.
I will conclude with the story of a young girl currently receiving treatment at Kibabi Hospital. She told us what happened to her during these attacks. Her testimony is so horrifying that it surpasses anything one would expect to see in a horror film.
I recorded her account.
The world needs to hear it.
Wait for it.