Dialogue Institute for Research and Studies

معهد الحوار للأبحاث والدراسات
في واشنطن
يركز على قضية #الأحواز والشعوب غير الفارسية وشؤون شرق الأوسط

[Dialogue Institute for Research and Studies @DialogueInstit1]

Thank you for your ongoing support in raising awareness about the #Ahwazi people and their struggles. We kindly ask you to follow and share our Dialogue Institute X ,and to introduce it to anyone interested in learning more about the #Ahwazi Arabs.Your kindness&support mean a lot

[Dialogue Institute for Research and Studies @DialogueInstit1]

ناسیونالیسم در خاورمیانه تنها یک ایدئولوژی سیاسی نبوده است. این پدیده در بسیاری از کشورها به ابزاری برای ساخت دولت، تعریف ملت، تعیین مرزهای وفاداری و تنظیم رابطه میان قدرت مرکزی و گروه‌های ملی مختلف تبدیل شد. ورود ناسیونالیسم مدرن به منطقه، به ویژه پس از فروپاشی امپراتوری‌های قدیم و شکل‌گیری دولت ملت‌های جدید، بسیاری از جوامع را با پرسشی بنیادین روبه‌رو کرد. چه کسی ملت محسوب می‌شود و چه کسانی باید در حاشیه تعریف رسمی ملت باقی بمانند.

در ایران نیز پروژه دولت ملت سازی مدرن از آغاز قرن بیستم با تمرکز شدید بر یکپارچگی سیاسی، زبانی و اداری پیش رفت. این روند در ظاهر با هدف ایجاد دولت مدرن، انسجام سرزمینی و تمرکز قدرت دنبال می‌شد، اما در عمل برای بسیاری از گروه‌های ملی، تجربه‌ای همراه با حذف، نادیده گرفتن، محدودسازی فرهنگی و محرومیت سیاسی بود. کوردها، بلوچ‌ها، عرب‌ها، ترکمن‌ها، آذربایجانی‌ها، لرها، گیلک‌ها، مازندرانی‌ها و دیگر گروه‌های ملی و اتنیکی، هر یک به شکلی متفاوت با این تجربه مواجه شدند. شدت و شکل این مواجهه یکسان نبود، اما مسئله اصلی در بسیاری از موارد مشابه بود. دولت مرکزی اغلب تنوع ملی و اتنیکی را نه به عنوان بخشی از واقعیت تاریخی ایران، که به عنوان تهدیدی علیه انسجام سیاسی تفسیر کرد.

از همین نقطه، رابطه میان ناسیونالیسم دولتی و مطالبات گروه‌های ملی(ملت های غیرفارس) وارد چرخه‌ای پرتنش شد. گروه‌های ملی، در واکنش به حذف یا حاشیه رانی، به اشکال مختلفی از خودآگاهی سیاسی و فرهنگی روی آوردند. این خودآگاهی گاه در قالب مطالبه آموزش زبان مادری، گاه در خواست مشارکت سیاسی، گاه در نقد تبعیض اقتصادی و گاه در طلب خودگردانی محلی یا توزیع عادلانه قدرت بروز پیدا کرد. در مقابل، دولت مرکزی اغلب این مطالبات را امنیتی دید و به جای گفت‌وگو، به سیاست انکار، کنترل، سرکوب یا جذب اجباری متوسل شد.

برای فهم این وضعیت، روان‌شناسی سیاسی می‌تواند چارچوبی مهم فراهم کند. خشونت سیاسی تنها محصول تصمیم‌های حکومتی، تضادهای حقوقی یا رقابت‌های سیاسی نیست. در بسیاری از موارد، ریشه‌های روانی نیز دارد. احساس تحقیر تاریخی، محرومیت، ناکامی جمعی، ترس از فروپاشی، میل به سلطه، خودمرکزبینی سیاسی و ناتوانی در پذیرش دیگری، همگی می‌توانند به تولید و بازتولید خشونت کمک کنند. با این حال، باید میان دو منشأ متفاوت خشونت تمایز گذاشت. انگیزه‌های فرودستانه و انگیزه‌های سلطه‌جویانه.
https://t.co/7MeKk7fI3j

[Dialogue Institute for Research and Studies @DialogueInstit1]

Modern state-building is often presented as a story of unity and nationhood. For many people, however, it’s also a story of loss. For the Ahwazi Arab people, the past century has been defined by systematic erasure and exclusion.

To examine Ahwaz is to face a truth Tehran prefers to ignore or deny: that the modern Iranian state, in consolidating central authority, was built on the subjugation, exploitation and colonisation of another people while seeking to absorb, marginalise, and ultimately obscure them.

Ahwaz, an occupied and colonised region in south-southwest Iran, comprising provinces of present-day Khuzestan, Bushehr, and Hormozgan, and historically connected territories, sits atop massive oil and gas reserves. Despite its vast resource wealth and strategic importance for Iran, however, the local Ahwazi Arabs remain excluded from the prosperity built upon their lands and assets.

Across Ahwazi towns and villages, the local Ahwazi population endures chronic neglect, dilapidated infrastructure, limited or non-existent services, environmental decline, horrendous pollution, and economic exclusion. Meanwhile, nearby corporate compounds were constructed to accommodate Persian settlers working in the oil and gas sector. These economic settlers enjoy welfare systems and various opportunities that are inaccessible to the local Arab Ahwazi population.
https://t.co/z9ESDp6SKR

#Ahwaz #AhwaziArabs #Iran

[Dialogue Institute for Research and Studies @DialogueInstit1]

Modern state-building is often presented as a story of unity and nationhood. For many people, however, it’s also a story of loss. For the Ahwazi Arab people, the past century has been defined by systematic erasure and exclusion.

To examine Ahwaz is to face a truth Tehran prefers to ignore or deny: that the modern Iranian state, in consolidating central authority, was built on the subjugation, exploitation and colonisation of another people while seeking to absorb, marginalise, and ultimately obscure them.

Ahwaz, an occupied and colonised region in south-southwest Iran, comprising provinces of present-day Khuzestan, Bushehr, and Hormozgan, and historically connected territories, sits atop massive oil and gas reserves. Despite its vast resource wealth and strategic importance for Iran, however, the local Ahwazi Arabs remain excluded from the prosperity built upon their lands and assets.

Across Ahwazi towns and villages, the local Ahwazi population endures chronic neglect, dilapidated infrastructure, limited or non-existent services, environmental decline, horrendous pollution, and economic exclusion. Meanwhile, nearby corporate compounds were constructed to accommodate Persian settlers working in the oil and gas sector. These economic settlers enjoy welfare systems and various opportunities that are inaccessible to the local Arab Ahwazi population.
https://t.co/z9ESDp6SKR

#Ahwaz #AhwaziArabs #Iran

[Dialogue Institute for Research and Studies @DialogueInstit1]

Ahwaz: The Colonised Arab Region Under Iranian Domination and Its Strategic Significance

#Ahwaz #Iran

https://t.co/ioO0paUJvA

[Dialogue Institute for Research and Studies @DialogueInstit1]

Ahwaz: The Colonised Arab Region Under Iranian Domination and Its Strategic Significance

#Ahwaz #Iran

https://t.co/ioO0paUJvA

[Dialogue Institute for Research and Studies @DialogueInstit1]

@jamalnaeem

Amid rapid transformations and mounting military and security pressures facing Iran and the wider Middle East, the central question is no longer whether the Iranian regime will undergo fundamental change, but what alternative might replace it.

Experiences across the region show that ousting regimes without a clear vision for the post-transition phase does not necessarily produce stability. In many cases, it has instead created political and security vacuums, opening the door to further disorder and complicating both domestic and regional dynamics.

Developments over the past two years, particularly amid escalating US-Israeli pressure on Iran, point to significant shifts among Persian opposition groups, including the People’s Mujahedin Organisation, the ultra-nationalist monarchist Pahlavi bloc and the nationalist republican movement Jomhouri-e Khahan (United Republicans of Iran). Their efforts to mobilise support among non-Persian peoples within Iran are not a passing political phenomenon. Rather, they reflect a deeper structural predicament confronting these groups. Movements that long sidelined or denied the rights of #Ahwazis, Kurds, Azerbaijani Turks, Balochis, Lurs, and Turkmen now find themselves compelled to seek their backing within the current political struggle.
https://t.co/wvgaZexc6u

[Dialogue Institute for Research and Studies @DialogueInstit1]

@jamalnaeem
Amid rapid transformations and mounting military and security pressures facing Iran and the wider Middle East, the central question is no longer whether the Iranian regime will undergo fundamental change, but what alternative might replace it.

Experiences across the region show that ousting regimes without a clear vision for the post-transition phase does not necessarily produce stability. In many cases, it has instead created political and security vacuums, opening the door to further disorder and complicating both domestic and regional dynamics.

Developments over the past two years, particularly amid escalating US-Israeli pressure on Iran, point to significant shifts among Persian opposition groups, including the People’s Mujahedin Organisation, the ultra-nationalist monarchist Pahlavi bloc and the nationalist republican movement Jomhouri-e Khahan (United Republicans of Iran). Their efforts to mobilise support among non-Persian peoples within Iran are not a passing political phenomenon. Rather, they reflect a deeper structural predicament confronting these groups. Movements that long sidelined or denied the rights of #Ahwazis, Kurds, Azerbaijani Turks, Balochis, Lurs, and Turkmen now find themselves compelled to seek their backing within the current political struggle.
https://t.co/wvgaZexc6u

[Dialogue Institute for Research and Studies @DialogueInstit1]

@jamalnaeem
Amid rapid transformations and mounting military and security pressures facing Iran and the wider Middle East, the central question is no longer whether the Iranian regime will undergo fundamental change, but what alternative might replace it.

Experiences across the region show that ousting regimes without a clear vision for the post-transition phase does not necessarily produce stability. In many cases, it has instead created political and security vacuums, opening the door to further disorder and complicating both domestic and regional dynamics.

Developments over the past two years, particularly amid escalating US-Israeli pressure on Iran, point to significant shifts among Persian opposition groups, including the People’s Mujahedin Organisation, the ultra-nationalist monarchist Pahlavi bloc and the nationalist republican movement Jomhouri-e Khahan (United Republicans of Iran). Their efforts to mobilise support among non-Persian peoples within Iran are not a passing political phenomenon. Rather, they reflect a deeper structural predicament confronting these groups. Movements that long sidelined or denied the rights of #Ahwazis, Kurds, Azerbaijani Turks, Balochis, Lurs, and Turkmen now find themselves compelled to seek their backing within the current political struggle.
https://t.co/wvgaZexc6u

[Dialogue Institute for Research and Studies @DialogueInstit1]

@jamalnaeem

Amid rapid transformations and mounting military and security pressures facing Iran and the wider Middle East, the central question is no longer whether the Iranian regime will undergo fundamental change, but what alternative might replace it.

Experiences across the region show that ousting regimes without a clear vision for the post-transition phase does not necessarily produce stability. In many cases, it has instead created political and security vacuums, opening the door to further disorder and complicating both domestic and regional dynamics.

Developments over the past two years, particularly amid escalating US-Israeli pressure on Iran, point to significant shifts among Persian opposition groups, including the People’s Mujahedin Organisation, the ultra-nationalist monarchist Pahlavi bloc and the nationalist republican movement Jomhouri-e Khahan (United Republicans of Iran). Their efforts to mobilise support among non-Persian peoples within Iran are not a passing political phenomenon. Rather, they reflect a deeper structural predicament confronting these groups. Movements that long sidelined or denied the rights of #Ahwazis, Kurds, Azerbaijani Turks, Balochis, Lurs, and Turkmen now find themselves compelled to seek their backing within the current political struggle.
https://t.co/wvgaZexc6u

[Dialogue Institute for Research and Studies @DialogueInstit1]

@KAlboshoka
Understanding the Iranian regime’s internal architecture is essential for assessing its resilience and identifying conditions that could lead to its weakening or collapse. Since the 1979 revolution, Iran has maintained a hybrid system combining religious authority, revolutionary institutions and republican mechanisms. Although the regime appears conventional, real power is concentrated in a layered system focused on ideological control and security. This structure has enabled the regime to survive war, sanctions, and internal unrest. However, the same features that have ensured its longevity also create structural vulnerabilities. Effective strategies to pressure or undermine the system must target these institutional foundations rather than superficial political changes.

#Iran

https://t.co/nG3ZxvIj5v

[Dialogue Institute for Research and Studies @DialogueInstit1]

@KAlboshoka
Understanding the Iranian regime’s internal architecture is essential for assessing its resilience and identifying conditions that could lead to its weakening or collapse. Since the 1979 revolution, Iran has maintained a hybrid system combining religious authority, revolutionary institutions and republican mechanisms. Although the regime appears conventional, real power is concentrated in a layered system focused on ideological control and security. This structure has enabled the regime to survive war, sanctions, and internal unrest. However, the same features that have ensured its longevity also create structural vulnerabilities. Effective strategies to pressure or undermine the system must target these institutional foundations rather than superficial political changes.

#Iran

https://t.co/nG3ZxvIj5v

[Dialogue Institute for Research and Studies @DialogueInstit1]

https://t.co/dnLhgUDCPS
طاعون استبداد، استعمار داخلی و سیاست مرگ در ایران معاصر

@samireza42

#احواز #استعمار #ايران #استبداد

[Dialogue Institute for Research and Studies @DialogueInstit1]

https://t.co/dnLhgUDCPS
طاعون استبداد، استعمار داخلی و سیاست مرگ در ایران معاصر

@samireza42

#احواز #استعمار #ايران #استبداد

[Dialogue Institute for Research and Studies @DialogueInstit1]

استعمارزدایی ملت های غیرفارس و مسئله حق تعیین سرنوشت

@samireza42

#استعمارزدایی #احواز #کوردستان #بلوچستان #آذربایجان_جنوبی #لرستانات #ایران

https://t.co/PvNm5YYAD7

[Dialogue Institute for Research and Studies @DialogueInstit1]

استعمارزدایی ملت های غیرفارس و مسئله حق تعیین سرنوشت

@samireza42

#استعمارزدایی #احواز #کوردستان #بلوچستان #آذربایجان_جنوبی #لرستانات #ایران

https://t.co/PvNm5YYAD7

[Dialogue Institute for Research and Studies @DialogueInstit1]

صلحی که به چوبه دار می‌رسد؛ جنگ، اعدام و راهبرد بقای نظام ایران

@samireza42

#جنگ_ایران
#سرکوب
#ايران
https://t.co/rt5vcqyRyB

[Dialogue Institute for Research and Studies @DialogueInstit1]

صلحی که به چوبه دار می‌رسد؛ جنگ، اعدام و راهبرد بقای نظام ایران

@samireza42

#جنگ_ایران
#سرکوب
#ايران
https://t.co/rt5vcqyRyB

[Dialogue Institute for Research and Studies @DialogueInstit1]

Every year on February 21, International Mother Language Day, the Ahwazi Arab people organize celebrations to encourage children to embrace their native Arabic language. Like Kurds, Azerbaijanis, Baluchis, and other non-Persians in Iran, Ahwazi Arabs are denied the right to education in their mother tongue as part of an ongoing effort toward enforced linguistic assimilation. During these events, Ahwazi children hold placards that read: "Yes to preserving our Arabic language," "Our language is our identity," and "Our language is our national being."
#AhwaziArabs
​#MotherLanguageDay
​#Identity
​#LanguagesMatter

[Dialogue Institute for Research and Studies @DialogueInstit1]

Negotiations as Strategy to Manage U.S. Pressure: Why Iran is Failing This Time

By @KAlboshoka

​#IranMissiles
​#JCPOA
#RegionalSecurity
#IRGC
​#IranTalks
​#GenevaSummit2026
​#USIranDiplomacy

https://t.co/HdUDJLp9Ut

via @DialogueInstit1

[Dialogue Institute for Research and Studies @DialogueInstit1]

State Violence in Iran and the Crisis of Centralised Governance

#Iran #AhwaziArabs #kurds #Azerbaijanis #Baloch
#HumanRights
#Colonialism

By Rahim Hamid And Mehdi Ramezanzadeh
https://t.co/NPQq0HSH3U