The level of Wealth exhibited in Monaco this week is nothing short of astonishing, this is a $5 million Bugatti parked untop of $35 million Yatch floating next to two Mega yatch 😭
What do I do to achieve this level of wealth? 😩
JUST IN:
SAPS TAKES DEPARTMENTAL ACTION AGAINST ALLEGED CORRUPT POLICE OFFICIAL
The South African Police Service (SAPS) management in Gauteng has noted a video circulating on social media platforms, particularly Facebook, depicting a police official in full uniform allegedly returning money to a member of the public following an alleged bribery incident.
The police officer featured in the video has been identified, and immediate disciplinary processes have been instituted.
A departmental investigation has also been launched to establish the full circumstances surrounding the incident.
SAPS maintains a zero-tolerance approach to corruption.
The acceptance, solicitation or facilitation of a bribe constitutes a criminal offence and a serious violation of the SAPS Code of Conduct.
The Gauteng Provincial Commissioner, Lieutenant General Tommy Mthombeni, has strongly condemned the alleged conduct.
“The South African Police Service will not tolerate corruption in any form. Members who abuse their authority, compromise their integrity, or betray the trust placed in them by the public will be dealt with decisively. We are committed to ensuring that every allegation of corruption is thoroughly investigated and that appropriate disciplinary and criminal action is taken where warranted. Our communities deserve professional, ethical and accountable policing, and we remain steadfast in protecting the integrity of the organisation," said Lieutenant General Mthombeni.
All SAPS members are expected to conduct themselves with integrity and professionalism, in compliance with the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, the SAPS Code of Conduct, and all applicable legislative and policy frameworks.
Members of the public are urged not to offer bribes and to report any allegations of corruption or extortion involving SAPS members through the following channels:
• SAPS Anti-Corruption Hotline: 0800 701 701
• SAPS National Complaints Service Centre: 0800 333 177
• Corruption Watch WhatsApp Line: 072 013 5569
• Gauteng Service Complaints Standby: 082 442 2000
• Independent Police Investigative Directorate (IPID)
SAPS remains committed to rooting out corruption within its ranks and ensuring accountability, professionalism and public trust in policing.
@SAPoliceService
I did try to read it. As an act of admiration and curiosity. I LOVE reading PHD thesis and I often search archives or ask the people share. Also because I want to learn as I have been struggling for years to crack it! And my struggle lies in some of the powerful arguments you make. It is truly difficult to subject my personal observations and experiences (which do always reflect an important socio-political ssue), to scholarly inquiry and make a credible leap into the market of ideas and theory you have so richly articulated. So I truly read them so I can get some inspiration and knowledge because what I know, observe and experience, are not enough.
I love memoir and self-protaiture and I tried multiple times to do some scholarly work around this genre. Despite the best advice, it was clear that I needed to be cooked - that slow pot roast type of cooking. I really appreciate your generous critique. It is so helpful to those of us stuck in this space you describe. It is helpful to me. So thank you!
You removed FOUR EFF MMCs & its Speaker 🙄🤷♂️ Tell the people you put in those positions to pass your Budgets, we told you it will not end well Mesono!
All of us here in RSA have to accept that our lifestyles do lead to sickness and diseases including, obesity, diabetes, hypertension and HIV infections.
Leadership in RSA must educate our people about discipline for health and prosperity.
South Africa has the largest absolute population of people living with HIV in the world, with over 8 million individuals (approximately 12.8% of the total population) living with the virus. Despite robust public healthcare distribution, condom usage has recently plummeted to historic lows.
A staggering report from the National Institute for Communicable Diseases showed that only 3% of patients at selected clinics reported using a condom during their last sexual encounter.
The disconnect between condom availability and actual usage points to deep-seated socio-cultural dynamics rather than a lack of resources.
Socio-Cultural Barriers to Condom Use
Trust and Relationship Stigma: In many South African communities, introducing a condom into a steady relationship is interpreted as a sign of infidelity or a fundamental lack of trust.
Patriarchy and Power Dynamics: Gender inequality significantly limits the ability of adolescent girls and young women to negotiate condom use, particularly in age-disparate or transactional relationships with older men.
Sero-Guessing: Many young people rely on "sero-guessing"—assuming a partner's HIV status based on their physical appearance or perceived social standing—to avoid the friction of discussing protection.
The "Pregnancy vs. Infection" Mindset: Public health data reveals that young adults frequently fear unplanned pregnancy far more than contracting STIs or HIV. Consequently, they prioritize hormonal contraceptives over dual protection (using both contraceptives and condoms).
Shifting the Public Health Strategy
Because free public sector condoms (historically distributed under the "Choice" brand) suffered from a negative reputation regarding odor and quality, the South African National Department of Health has actively pivoted toward rebranding. Initiatives like the "Max" condom brand offer more modern, scented, and appealing variants tailored for youth.
Concurrently, healthcare bodies like the South African National AIDS Council (SANAC) are expanding access points beyond traditional clinics into schools, universities, and community halls to normalize sexual reproductive health directly within daily communal spaces.
This is for informational purposes only. For medical advice or diagnosis, consult a professional. AI responses may include mistakes. Learn more
Good advice and fair request. Thatha khona Matamela.
The new chairperson of Parliament’s impeachment committee, Makashule Gana, has appealed to President Cyril Ramaphosa to appear before the Section 89 inquiry when the time comes, saying it’s part of the weight of leadership.
Gana addressed Ramaphosa directly on Tuesday during debate on the budget of the Presidency, saying Parliament is constitutionally bound to exercise oversight over it.
https://t.co/2FgUpkvr3P
Behind a very great fortune is a great crime, the gilded ages of the USA, China and the UK.
The famous quote "Behind every great fortune is a great crime"—originally from Honoré de Balzac—accurately mirrors the intense periods of rapid economic expansion in the US, China, and the UK. During these "Gilded Ages," massive wealth accumulation coexisted with deep systemic corruption, labor exploitation, and political scandals.
The United States (Late 19th Century)
The original "Gilded Age" (a term coined by Mark Twain) saw America transform from an agrarian society into an industrial powerhouse.
The "Robber Barons": Tycoons like John D. Rockefeller (Standard Oil) and Andrew Carnegie (Steel) built monopolies by aggressively crushing competitors.
Labor Exploitation: Workers faced 12-hour workdays, dangerous conditions, and child labor while receiving poverty wages.
Political Corruption: Corporations openly bought politicians and judges, culminating in major scandals like the Crédit Mobilier railway fraud.
The "Crime": Monopolization, violent suppression of labor strikes, and the systemic bribery of the democratic process.
The United Kingdom (The Victorian Era / Industrial Revolution)
The UK’s wealth explosion in the 18th and 19th centuries laid the economic foundation for modern Britain but was built on global and domestic subjugation.
Imperial Extraction: The British Empire extracted vast wealth from its colonies, most notably through the East India Company's exploitation of India.
The Slave Trade: Before its abolition, British financial institutions and ports (like Liverpool and Bristol) grew immensely wealthy from the transatlantic slave trade.
Domestic Sweatshops: The Industrial Revolution forced rural populations into squalid city slums, working deadly shifts in textile mills and coal mines.
The "Crime": Global colonial pillaging, Atlantic human trafficking, and the extreme exploitation of the domestic working class.
China (Late 20th to Early 21st Century)
Following economic reforms in 1978, China experienced the fastest economic expansion in human history, creating a class of ultra-wealthy billionaires.
State-Linked Capitalism: Access to state-controlled land, bank loans, and licenses meant early tycoons required deep political connections (guanxi).
Migrant Worker Exploitation: Millions of rural migrant workers labored in urban factories with minimal safety nets, driving the "Made in China" boom.
Systemic Corruption: The intertwining of business and party officials led to widespread bribery, land grabs, and embezzlement, later targeted by massive anti-corruption campaigns.
The "Crime": Intellectual property theft, environmental devastation, illegal land seizures, and institutional cronyism.
Economic Development, including rapid economic development demands bitter sacrifices from the population, the peasants, migrants and the lower income groups. High Quality Economic Development , high skill , high wages and the abundant good life comes after GDP per capita has grown by several multiples.
To remove 64% of South Africans from below the Upper Bound Poverty Line is going to demand sacrifices , low wages and great discomfort in the 1st 15 years of industrializing the black community. The South African black community is not industrialized, black people are not industrialists nor are they fully life-long industrial workers. That transition is going to be harsh, there is no soft life waithing for nlack South Africans in the next 20 years, but econo.ic independencewill come after suffering.:
Lee Kuan Yew and his cabinet believed that developing Singapore required a highly disciplined and strictly pragmatic approach. This included suppressing strikes, keeping unions compliant, and maintaining low initial wages to attract multinational corporations, which was later coupled with aggressive wage-correction policies to force industries toward high-tech productivity.The overarching economic strategy under his administration's leadership involved several calculated trade-offs:
Low-Wage Strategy: In the 1960s and 1970s, Singapore intentionally kept labor costs low to undercut rivals, relying on this to secure foreign direct investment (FDI) in labor-intensive manufacturing.
Wage-Hike Shocks: Rather than relying on organic wage growth, the government pushed sweeping, mandated wage increases in 1979 to force inefficient, low-value businesses either to automate or relocate, pushing the economy up the value chain.
Strict Labor Discipline: The National Trades Union Congress (NTUC) was brought into alignment with the state's goals. Strikes were effectively banned to ensure a stable environment for foreign investors.
Elitist Meritocracy: Lee championed a meritocratic system designed to reward high performers.
To prevent corruption and retain top talent in the public sector, ministers and civil servants were paid highly competitive, private-sector-pegged salaries.
Forced Savings: The Central Provident Fund (CPF) was heavily expanded to enforce high national savings rates, which were used to fund massive public housing and industrial infrastructure projects.
In 1982, the South African government spent an average of R1211 on education for each White child and only R146 for each Black child.
Over 30% of all White teachers had a university degree, with the rest having matriculated. Only 2.3% of Black teachers had a university degree, and 82% had not even finished high school. More than half had not reached Standard 8 (Grade 10).
Basically, Black learners were taught by teachers who had not completed high school themselves.
For decades, only a few White children failed end-of-year exams and needed to re-sit school grades, since the quality of their education was significantly better. Meanwhile, the fact that Black children were taught in their second or third language meant they were much more likely to fail the end-of-year assessments and re-do a particular grade several times.
There were also limited opportunities for Black students to continue their education, which meant they had less motivation to remain in school, and job reservation policies ensured that white-collar positions were predominantly held by White people, with job options for Black people being mostly limited to manual labour.
This meant that even when Black students succeeded academically, Apartheid laws restricted access to universities and professional occupations. Many White-collar jobs were reserved for White South Africans, reducing the perceived reward for remaining in school.
Today, South Africa suffers from the highest youth unemployment rate among major economies, with millions of young Black South Africans holding matric certificates and university degrees, the very things denied to their parents, but still unable to find work.
The tragedy is that the very problems driving desperation today are the direct results of Apartheid, with the current generational poverty being the compound interest of a century of deliberate economic sabotage.
And when a system denies quality education to 80% of its population for generations, the inequality doesn’t vanish just because the laws changed in 1994.
On 29 July 1987, Thomas Sankara addressed the Organisation of African Unity summit in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia and warned that if his fellow African leaders did not stand with him, he might not be there the following year. Less than three months later, he was assassinated.
In his speech entitled A United Front Against Debt, Sankara was trying to convince other African heads of state to refuse to pay their foreign debts collectively. He argued that if Burkina Faso stood up to the West alone, he would not survive the backlash.
He famously concluded that segment by saying, "If Burkina Faso stands alone in refusing to pay the debt, I will not be here at the next summit. On the other hand, if with everyone's support we decide not to pay, we will be able to use our resources for our own development."
While Sankara routinely spoke out against the paralysing nature of Western aid, coining the famous maxim, "He who feeds you, controls you", at this specific 1987 OAU summit, he focused heavily on how foreign debt was a modern tool of conquest.
Sankara viewed debt as a moral and historical scam and argued that the lenders were the same former colonisers who had merely swapped their military uniforms for suits, transforming themselves from colonial rulers into "technical assistants", or, as he bluntly called them, "technical assassins".
To Sankara, debt was a "cleverly managed reconquest" designed to make African nations financial slaves, ensuring their growth and development were permanently dictated by foreign rules. He argued that Africa owed nothing. Instead, he asserted the West owed Africa a massive debt that could never be repaid, a debt of blood that was shed during slavery, colonialism, and World War II, where African soldiers died to liberate Europe from Nazism.
He famously noted that if a poor man steals, it is a crime of survival, but when the rich steal through financial systems and exploitation, it is called policy. He argued: "The debt cannot be repaid, first because if we don't repay, lenders will not die. That is for sure. But if we repay, we are going to die. That is also for sure."
Before the OAU speech, Sankara had been vocal about how in his country, foreign aid, especially food aid, undermined self-sufficiency and dismantled local economies. He contended that such assistance, far from solving structural problems, reinforced a logic of economic and cultural subordination vis-à-vis donors.
In the end, Sankara said all he could, but tragically, his peers did not join him; many sat in uncomfortable silence or offered polite applause. Just less than three months later, on 15 October 1987, he was assassinated in a coup led by his close associate, Blaise Compaoré, with Western backing.