Dutch nurse in hijab: “Nothing belongs to you… I’m giving Zionists an extra injection as a nurse specialist. Letting them go to heaven 😇”
Max exposes her. Less than 24 hours later it’s all over Dutch news 🇳🇱🚨
Now she’s under investigation: “It wasn’t me! Someone impersonated me! I actually love Jews! No problem with Israel!”
Meanwhile the screenshots of her full comments are still sitting there like 🤡
A nurse who openly brags about murdering Jewish patients has no place near a syringe.
Share. Tag the authorities. Demand justice.
Am Yisrael Chai 🇮🇱🔥
#AmYisraelChai
🚨 DRINGENDE OPROEP – TWEE ISRAËLISCHE VROUWEN VERMIST IN WENEN
Twee Israëlische vrouwen, een moeder en haar dochter, worden sinds afgelopen vrijdag vermist in Wenen (Oostenrijk).
De Israëlische ambassade in Wenen doet een dringende oproep aan het publiek om mee uit te kijken en eventuele informatie direct door te geven.
🇦🇹 Woon je in Wenen of omgeving, ben je daar momenteel op vakantie of ken je mensen in de regio? Deel dit bericht dan alsjeblieft zo breed mogelijk. Misschien kan juist iemand iets hebben gezien of gehoord dat kan helpen.
📞 Bij informatie: neem direct contact op met de Israëlische ambassade via het noodnummer:
+43 676 367 2304
Ook als je maar over een klein stukje informatie beschikt: meld het.
🙏 Deel dit bericht zoveel mogelijk binnen Nederlandse en internationale gemeenschappen in Oostenrijk.
@Brexit_Refugee@jonnybraham@Martina Well done. You just illustrated only showing a few random points against a 6-0 6-0 match. Not the sharpest knife, right?
Remember: genocide means a deliberate attempt to exterminate a group, simply for being members of that group. That’s what “genocide in Gaza” alleges: that Israel is unsuccessfully attempting to exterminate every last Palestinian.
Now, stand fast the fact that the only really high rate of Gazan deaths happened in the first months of the war and dropped to barely registering after the ceasefire (see graph below). One might suggest that had Israel been intent on wiping out everyone indiscriminately, they would have maintained their rate of killing.
But what about the overall population of Gaza? If Israel had wanted to wipe out every Palestinian, you’d expect that overall total to fall, right?
At some point, the word genocide has to survive contact with arithmetic. Gaza’s own records now sit in open contradiction with the claim that Israel attempted to destroy its population: approximately 121,000 live births since 7 October 2023, against a reported direct war death toll of just over 73,000.
The extermination narrative looks increasingly absurd. More babies have been born in Gaza during the war than Gazans have been recorded as killed, including both civilians and combatants.
The usual escape route is to say that genocide need not succeed. That is legally correct and intellectually evasive when deployed to make every contrary fact disappear. Genocidal intent still has to be proved, and the ICJ has held that, where it is inferred from conduct, the destruction of the group must be the only reasonable inference available.
In Croatia v Serbia, it examined whether civilians had been spared, evacuated or allowed to survive when their supposed destroyers had the opportunity to kill them. Conduct preserving members of the protected population counted against genocide.
Now apply that reasoning to Gaza.
Start with polio. In September 2024, while Israeli troops were still fighting across the Strip, Israel agreed daily, area-specific pauses so Palestinian and international medical teams could vaccinate Gaza’s children. The first round reached 559,161 children under ten, around 95 per cent of the eligible population.
Israel then agreed to do it again. The second round reached 556,774 children, with 448,425 children between two and ten also receiving vitamin A. The campaign required the delivery of 1.6 million vaccine doses, refrigerators, freezers, ice boxes and hundreds of vaccine carriers. WHO and UNICEF planned for the vaccines and cold-chain equipment to transit through Ben Gurion Airport before entering Gaza.
A third campaign followed in February 2025. It vaccinated 602,795 children under ten, reaching 102 per cent of the estimated target because medical teams found children missed during earlier rounds.
The combined figure is 1,718,730 administered polio doses. (That represents repeated protection of roughly 600,000 individual children, rather than 1.7 million different children.) Almost the entire under-10 population was reached again and again.
These vaccines were administered by Palestinian health workers, WHO, UNICEF, UNRWA and their partners. Without Israeli cooperation, the campaigns could not have happened.
UNICEF’s end-of-year report says the outbreak had been interrupted by July 2025. It also records 49,000 children under two receiving catch-up vaccinations, with coverage exceeding 80 per cent. BCG vaccinations rose from 37,471 in 2024 to 47,556 in 2025.
It was an enormous public health enterprise, run over several months, involving thousands of workers and protecting nearly every child in Gaza from paralysis.
That is the physical reality of what Israel enabled: the children it was supposedly trying to destroy were repeatedly protected against a disease that could disable or kill them.
A coherent programme of genocide cannot be inferred by treating every Israeli action that preserved Palestinian life as irrelevant.
The birth figures deepen the problem for the accusation. A reconstruction using Gaza Ministry of Health and civil registration records suggests approximately 12,000 babies were born during the final quarter of 2023, around 38,000 during 2024, 49,267 live births during 2025, and roughly 21,000 so far in 2026. The latest portion is necessarily estimated because complete July and August registrations have not yet been published.
Many babies born during the first months had been conceived before 7 October. That explanation expired nine months into the war. Tens of thousands of children were subsequently conceived and delivered while Israel supposedly pursued the biological destruction of Gaza.
Births fell below their pre-war level, hardly surprising amid displacement and combat. Miscarriages, premature births and maternal complications also rose. Nothing about those conditions was humane or desirable.
However, the comparison remains devastating. Approximately 121,000 live births against just over 73,000 reported direct war deaths leaves a difference approaching 48,000. The number killed includes combatants as well as civilians, of course.
Gaza’s overall resident population fell because the calculation includes outward migration, the missing and other demographic changes. The Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics estimates that around 100,000 people left Gaza during the war. A decline driven substantially by people leaving a war zone cannot simply be relabelled as physical destruction.
No Israeli advocate needs to pretend that civilian life in Gaza was tolerable. It was an urban war fought against an enemy dug into hundreds of miles of tunnels beneath neighbourhoods, hospitals, schools and camps. Hamas designed that battlefield to make civilian deaths unavoidable and politically useful.
Israel issued evacuation warnings, created corridors and humanitarian zones, admitted food and medicine, coordinated medical evacuations, paused military operations and enabled almost 600,000 Palestinian children to receive repeated protection against polio. Around 121,000 babies were born during the war, far exceeding the reported direct death toll.
The genocide allegation survives only by declaring every piece of exculpatory evidence meaningless. Births supposedly tell us nothing. Vaccinations tell us nothing. Food deliveries tell us nothing. Humanitarian pauses tell us nothing. Failed famine predictions tell us nothing. The absence of measured famine mortality tells us nothing.
Such reasoning insulates the genocide accusation from reality. Every Palestinian death becomes proof of genocide, while every Palestinian life preserved through Israeli cooperation is dismissed as public relations.
The simpler explanation: Israel fought a devastating war against Hamas, accepting extraordinary military and political costs while repeatedly undertaking measures to preserve Palestinian civilian life. Those measures were imperfect and sometimes failed, as measures do in war.
Gaza’s own birth records, vaccination figures and famine evidence have hollowed out the allegations. A country attempting to destroy a people does not enable more than 120,000 births, facilitate 1.7 million childhood vaccine doses and support humanitarian operations feeding virtually the entire population.
That is war, with all its brutality and tragedy. It is not genocide.
August 9, 1944
The gas chambers of Auschwitz were still running at full industrial capacity, murdering thousands of Jews every day, when the World Jewish Congress begged America to bomb them.
A. Leon Kubowitzki forwarded this desperate plea to Assistant Secretary of War John J. McCloy:
“I believe that destruction of gas chambers and crematoria in [Auschwitz] by bombing would have a certain effect now. Germans are now exhuming and burning corpses in an effort to conceal their crimes. This could be prevented by destruction of the crematoria … Bombing of railway communications in this same area would also be of importance and of military interest.”
Five days later, McCloy rejected it.
His stated reason: it would require “diversion of considerable air support.”
And yet only 11 days after the rejection, American bombers struck the IG Farben plant at Auschwitz-Monowitz, less than five miles from the gas chambers of Birkenau.
They flew over the death camp to get there.
They saw the smoke.
They did not bomb the killing installations.
That was not their orders.
The trains kept arriving.
The chambers kept operating.
The ashes kept rising.
History does not forgive what was possible and refused.
Sander krijgt slecht nieuws
Inmiddels is bekend geworden dat NL op kleine 10.000 locaties in N2000 gebieden al 25 jaar monitoring doet en die data zijn nog niet openbaar . @GRotgers heeft een deel van die data en daaruit blijkt dat niet stikstof maar de beheerders bij tijd en wijle mislukken in het beheer en dat in de klompen van de boeren schuiven