Conor Neill, profesor de MBA, lo dice sin rodeos: la vida premia la acción, no la inteligencia.
Y cuanto más listo eres, mejores excusas te inventas para no actuar.
8 ideas para dejar de pensar y empezar a moverte:
1/ Haz una sola cosa. Y luego otra. Y otra...
ATENCIÓN. Información muy fuerte.
Estados Unidos acaba de ELIMINAR al Niño Guerrero, el líder del Tren de Aragua, fue un ataque cinético en territorio venezolano.
El pueblo británico arde de indignación. Y le sobran motivos.
Henry Nowak, 18 años, esposado por su propia policía mientras se desangraba en el suelo. Esposado él. La víctima. Para no ofender a quien le acababa de coser a puñaladas.
Los grandes medios, mudos, para variar. Las élites globalistas que han parido esta locura, también mirando para otro lado.
Hay muchos responsables y cómplices en las atrocidades que vemos a diario en Europa. Todos deberían responder ante la justicia, y algún día lo harán.
Ocho mil pesos por una taza de leche y un sándwich que ningún niño probó. Una investigación interna de Junaeb destapa un presunto fraude de 14 mil millones de pesos en fondos públicos por onces escolares que jamás se sirvieron. #ReportajesT13
ESTA NOCHE en T13 Central.
La Inspección Total al Estado confirma lo que muchos sospechábamos: US$3.200 millones en deudas escondidas bajo la alfombra por el gobierno de Boric. Casi 1% del PIB.
Les dejaron la cuenta a quienes menos pueden pagarla: proveedores de salud, alimentación escolar y casi 10.000 PYMEs. Mientras tanto, el gasto corriente crecía al 6,9% —siete veces su propia meta.
Chile merece un Estado que rinda cuentas, no uno que esconda deudas.
https://t.co/Q2Z5oP7oiT
Here is a section from my book coming out next month that is relevant to all of this. It includes a conversation I had with my representative Tim Burchett:
"VI. Armageddon Deception: Eschatology, Political Power, and the Manipulation of Prophetic Expectation
The concerns raised throughout this chapter become especially sobering once one recognizes that eschatology rarely remains confined to theological classrooms, prophecy conferences, or church pulpits. Prophetic systems inevitably shape moral imagination, political instinct, foreign policy assumptions, and the practical expectations populations bring to world events. Once large groups of people become convinced that history must unfold according to a predetermined prophetic script, those assumptions begin influencing how wars are interpreted, political leaders are evaluated, and international crises are understood. Theology, whether acknowledged or not, always produces fruit.
For this reason, my concern regarding modern prophetic systems has never been merely academic.
When I wrote Armageddon Deception: The Eschatology of Islam & Zionism—A Biblical Response in 2021, I dedicated the book to President Donald Trump because I possessed a growing concern that competing zealot eschatologies—religious, geopolitical, and ideological—were quietly converging in ways dangerous not only for America, but for global stability itself. My concern was not fundamentally partisan. Rather, it emerged from years of studying the relationship between eschatology and violence, particularly the way prophetic expectation can gradually condition populations to welcome conflict they would otherwise fear. I also realized that the Global elite such as the Rothschilds know this very well and are able to use the violent eschatology of Islam and Zionism to their advantage in hopes of ushering in “Agenda 2030” "The Great Reset" or "Build Back Better" Global plan.
This concern deserves careful reflection because history repeatedly demonstrates how apocalyptic expectation can reshape public psychology.
Once populations become convinced that war must happen before redemption arrives, military escalation gradually acquires transcendent significance. Diplomacy increasingly appears temporary because peace merely delays prophetic fulfillment. Political restraint may even seem spiritually suspect because conflict itself becomes invested with theological meaning. Entire populations become psychologically prepared for crisis long before crisis itself arrives.
In my judgment, this dynamic increasingly characterizes several modern religious systems simultaneously.
Certain streams of Islamic eschatology continue anticipating climactic conflict preceding the appearance of the Mahdi and the return of Jesus. Likewise, forms of nationalist Zionism increasingly interpret territorial struggle, regional instability, and military escalation through messianic categories. Yet perhaps the most consequential reality for American Christians concerns how thoroughly dispensational theology has conditioned generations of sincere believers to expect catastrophic conflict involving Israel, Iran, Russia, and neighboring nations as necessary precursors to redemption.
The practical implications of this convergence should not be underestimated.
For many believers, support for modern Israel increasingly functions not merely as political preference, but as theological obligation. Criticism of Israeli governmental policy often becomes morally suspect because Christians fear opposing what they perceive to be God’s prophetic program. Many sincerely believe they are “blessing Israel” by supporting geopolitical agendas without carefully distinguishing between biblical old covenant Israel and the modern secular nation-state established in 1948. This has now become a cult in which Dispensational Zealot Zionists are publicly saying that if anyone professing to know Christ and does not support the modern State of Rothschild "Israel," then they are not a "real" Christian. Amazing how many Christians survived without this view prior to the development of Dispensationalism in the 1800's!
The theological irony remains difficult to miss.
Throughout this book we have argued that Jesus repeatedly confronted precisely this instinct in first-century Israel. Many sincerely believed God’s kingdom required military confrontation with Rome. Revolutionary zeal gradually merged with messianic expectation. False prophets assured the people divine intervention remained imminent. War increasingly became invested with covenant significance. Yet Jesus repeatedly warned that such expectations misunderstood the kingdom altogether. The result was not national vindication, but desolation. God wasn't coming to give Israel a Messiah that would destroy Rome and usher in an earthly kingdom, He was going to send His Son upon the clouds (using the Romans) to destroy them for rejecting Him and the spiritual Kingdom Daniel foretold and that He said would be realized "within" a person when He came to make Jerusalem a "corpse" in AD 70 (Daniel 2; Luke 17:20-37). Talmudic and Dispensational Zealot Zionists refuse to listen to Scripture or history.
Jerusalem expected war to establish redemption.
Jesus warned war would bring judgment.
History proved Christ right.
This historical pattern deeply shaped my burden in writing Armageddon Deception. My concern was not merely that dispensational theology misunderstood isolated prophetic texts. Rather, I feared millions of sincere Christians had unknowingly inherited an eschatological framework conditioning them toward precisely the kind of zealot expectation publicly judged in AD 70.
The bad fruit of zealot eschatology does not merely manifest abroad through war and instability. It increasingly shapes questions of censorship, constitutional liberty, and theological discourse at home.
In recent years, growing debate has emerged concerning antisemitism legislation, anti-boycott measures, lobbying influence, and the expanding definitions governing criticism of Israel and Zionism. Critics increasingly raise concerns regarding the influence organizations such as AIPAC and the ADL exercise in shaping public discourse surrounding Israel, foreign policy, and definitions of antisemitism. Supporters view such efforts as necessary protections against hatred; critics argue that some applications risk blurring the distinction between ethnic hostility and legitimate political or theological disagreement.
For me, these concerns eventually moved from theory into personal conversation.
During a meeting with Tennessee Congressman Tim Burchett following his support of antisemitism awareness legislation, I raised my concerns directly and framed the discussion in constitutional and theological terms rather than partisan rhetoric.
I asked him a straightforward question:
“As a Christian apologist, do you believe I possess freedom of speech and freedom of religion to critique the Quran and Islam for its violent eschatology and supremacy claims?”
He immediately answered yes.
I continued:
“When I critique violent themes within Sharia law and argue that certain interpretations conflict with constitutional liberty, you would defend my right to do so, correct?”
Again, he agreed.
I pressed further:
“If organizations attempt to silence such criticism through hate-speech mechanisms, you would stand to protect constitutional freedoms of speech and religion?”
Once again, he affirmed that he would.
At that point, I shifted the discussion. I asked whether he possessed much familiarity with the Talmud and other Jewish texts that shape their eschatology and worldview. To his credit, he answered honestly and acknowledged that he knew very little about them.
I explained that many Christians—especially within dispensational circles—often assume Jewish religious thought simply mirrors the ethics of the Torah or Christianity, while remaining largely unfamiliar with certain views, such as those claiming Christians and Gentiles have no souls and no rights because they were only created to serve the Jews.
One of Israel’s most influential modern rabbis, former Sephardic Chief Rabbi Ovadia Yosef, publicly declared in a 2010 sermon that “Goyim were born only to serve us,” describing Gentiles as existing to labor while Jews would “sit like an effendi and eat.” He was interpreting the Talmud and related texts consistently — just as ISIS interpreted certain passages of the Quran. Not only this, but these teachings call for constant war with Christians and Gentiles and seek control over them. Their eschatology envisions a messianic kingdom on earth in which each Jew has 2,800 Christian and Gentile slaves.
I then raised what I believed to be a question of consistency:
If Christians retain the constitutional freedom to critique violent strands of Islamic eschatology, supremacy claims, or legal systems perceived as hostile to constitutional liberty, should believers not equally retain the freedom to examine, critique, or question religious and political ideologies connected to Zionism and the Jewish Talmud — without automatically being labeled “Islamophobic” or “antisemitic”?
The concern, at least for me, was never hostility toward Jewish people. Rather, the issue concerns equal standards of theological critique and constitutional liberty when evaluating other religions’ eschatology — views that are not only un-biblical, but inconsistent with our Constitution. This includes groups that try to hide behind “religious freedom” while seeking to undermine and control America from within and without.
Just as I am concerned with Islamic supremacy and control, I am equally concerned with Jewish supremacy. When one points out how many of our social media companies and major media outlets have been bought up by wealthy Jews who seek to control and censor criticism of Israel, Zionism, the Talmud, and related issues, one is immediately branded a “conspiracy theorist” or “antisemitic” for merely noticing the pattern. Yet if wealthy Muslims or Islamic groups were doing the same — buying up companies and censoring criticism of Islam and the Quran — it would be treated very differently.
This pattern of influence extends to politics. AIPAC openly boasts on its platforms of a 98% success rate in funding and installing its preferred pro-Israel candidates. Just recently, pro-Israel groups aligned with AIPAC spent tens of millions — with reports citing around $35 million total — to defeat Congressman Thomas Massie in his primary. This is why President John F. Kennedy demanded that AIPAC’s predecessor organization register as a foreign agent before his assassination. It is sad that the only Presidents we have had since Kennedy are all pro-Israel or if there are any “Christian Conservatives” in government that seek to “represent” us it’s only the deadly Dispensational Zealot Zionists that get installed.
Christians should remain free to evaluate every ideology—Islamic, secular, nationalist, Christian, or Jewish—through the lens of Scripture, ethics, and constitutional principle. No religious or political movement should become insulated from scrutiny simply because criticism becomes socially costly or politically dangerous.
This concern becomes particularly pressing once one considers the practical consequences of zealot eschatology itself.
The bad fruit of modern holy-war systems is not merely theoretical. Palestinian Christians increasingly find themselves trapped amid ongoing regional violence. Military escalation continues producing suffering, displacement, and instability. Meanwhile, domestic polarization intensifies as Christians increasingly divide over whether unquestioning political loyalty to modern Israel constitutes theological faithfulness itself. In some circles, believers who question dispensational assumptions are treated with suspicion or even accused of compromising biblical Christianity.
In my judgment, these developments reveal the practical danger of eschatology untethered from Christ’s fulfilled kingdom.
Holy-war systems naturally cultivate fear, manipulation, perpetual crisis, and political instability because conflict becomes necessary to sustain theological expectation. Yet Jesus proclaimed a kingdom fundamentally different from zealot expectation. He did not advance His reign through territorial supremacy, political nationalism, or perpetual warfare. Rather, He publicly judged those very instincts in the destruction of Jerusalem.
Christians therefore face an unavoidable question:
Will believers continue allowing fear-driven prophetic systems to shape political instinct and foreign policy imagination, or will the Church recover confidence in the fulfilled kingdom Christ established and publicly vindicated in AD 70?" (from unpublished book - see below). @RealAlexJones@TuckerCarlson@RealCandaceO@CarriePrejean1@joekent16jan19@TulsiGabbard@RogerJStoneJr@joerogan@RepTimBurchett@mtgreenee@MassieforKY@RepThomasMassie
Je veux présenter mes excuses, au nom des Français, pour avoir enfanté la French Theory (qui a enfanté la pire des merdes idéologiques : le wokisme).
Nous avons donné au monde Descartes, Pascal, Tocqueville. Et puis, dans les ruines intellectuelles de l'après-68, nous avons donné Foucault, Derrida, Deleuze. Trois hommes brillants qui ont fabriqué, dans l'élégance de notre langue, l'arme idéologique qui paralyse aujourd'hui l'Occident.
Il faut comprendre ce qu'ils ont fait. Foucault a enseigné que la vérité n'existe pas, qu'il n'y a que des rapports de pouvoir déguisés en savoir. Que la science, la raison, la justice, l'institution médicale, l'école, la prison, la sexualité, tout n'est qu'une mise en scène de la domination. Derrida a enseigné que les textes n'ont pas de sens stable, que tout signifiant glisse, que toute lecture est une trahison, que l'auteur est mort et que le lecteur règne. Deleuze a enseigné qu'il fallait préférer le rhizome à l'arbre, le nomade au sédentaire, le désir à la loi, le devenir à l'être, la différence à l'identité.
Pris isolément, ce sont des thèses discutables. Combinées, exportées, vulgarisées, elles forment un système. Et ce système est un poison.
Car voici ce qui s'est passé. Ces textes, illisibles en France, ont traversé l'Atlantique. Les départements de Yale, de Berkeley, de Columbia les ont absorbés dans les années 80. Ils y ont trouvé un terreau qui n'existait pas chez nous : le puritanisme américain, sa culpabilité raciale, son obsession identitaire. La French Theory s'est mariée à ce substrat, et l'enfant de ce mariage s'appelle le wokisme.
Judith Butler lit Foucault et invente le genre performatif. Edward Said lit Foucault et invente le post-colonialisme académique. Kimberlé Crenshaw hérite du cadre et invente l'intersectionnalité. À chaque étape, la matrice est française : il n'y a pas de vérité, il n'y a que du pouvoir, donc toute hiérarchie est suspecte, toute institution est oppressive, toute norme est violence, toute identité est construite donc négociable, toute majorité est coupable.
Voilà comment trois philosophes parisiens, qui n'ont probablement jamais imaginé leurs conséquences pratiques, ont fourni le logiciel d'exploitation à une génération entière d'activistes, de bureaucrates universitaires, de DRH, de journalistes, de législateurs. Voilà comment on a obtenu une civilisation qui ne sait plus dire si une femme est une femme, si sa propre histoire mérite d'être défendue, si le mérite existe, si la vérité se distingue de l'opinion.
C'est de la merde pour une raison simple, et il faut la dire calmement. Une civilisation se tient debout sur trois piliers : la croyance qu'il existe une vérité accessible à la raison, la croyance qu'il existe un bien distinct du mal, la croyance qu'il existe un héritage à transmettre. La French Theory a entrepris de dynamiter les trois. Pas par méchanceté. Par jeu intellectuel, par fascination du soupçon, par haine de la bourgeoisie qui les avait nourris. Mais le résultat est là. Une génération entière a appris à déconstruire et n'a jamais appris à construire. Une génération entière sait soupçonner et ne sait plus admirer. Une génération entière voit le pouvoir partout et la beauté nulle part.
Je m'excuse parce que nous, Français, avons une responsabilité particulière. C'est notre langue, nos universités, nos éditeurs, notre prestige qui ont donné à ce nihilisme son emballage chic. Sans la légitimité de la Sorbonne et de Vincennes, ces idées n'auraient jamais traversé l'océan. Nous avons exporté le doute comme d'autres exportent des armes.
Ce qui se construit maintenant, en silicon valley, dans les labos d'IA, dans les startups, dans les ateliers, dans tous les lieux où des gens fabriquent encore des choses au lieu de les déconstruire, c'est la réponse. Une civilisation se reconstruit par les bâtisseurs, pas par les commentateurs. Par ceux qui croient que la vérité existe et qu'elle vaut qu'on s'y consacre. Par ceux qui assument une hiérarchie du beau, du vrai, du bon, et qui n'ont pas honte de la transmettre.
Alors pardon. Et au travail.
¿Alo Ministra Steinert? Esto que realizaron los Carabineros, que están bajo "su mando", a una niña menor de edad en la Alameda NO es represión ¡ES TORTURA!, Desde el Estallido Social que no se veían imágenes de este Calibre. ¡Horroroso! ¡Este es el gobierno de Kast gente!