![Abdul_Ahmad_'s tweet photo. THREAD: THE MAJOR JOS CRISES SERIES
Part 1: The 2001 Jos Crisis –
Let the Facts Speak On Friday, 7th September 2001, what started as a small dispute in Congo-Russia area of Jos quickly exploded into one of the deadliest religious/ethnic clashes in Nigeria’s history. Immediate Trigger (as documented by Human Rights Watch in their December 2001 report “Jos: A City Torn Apart”):
A Christian woman tried to cross a road blocked by Muslims who were praying on the public highway near the University of Jos. Hausa youths challenged her, tempers flared, fighting broke out. Within hours, the whole city was on fire. But make no mistake – this was not a sudden event.
Remote Causes (Human Rights Watch, page 7-10): Deep tension over “indigene” vs “settler” rights in Jos.
1. Hausa/Fulani (mostly Muslim) community feeling politically marginalized.
2. Appointment of Alhaji Mukhtari Mohammed (a Hausa Muslim) as Jos North Poverty Eradication Programme coordinator was seen by indigenous groups as another attempt to dominate them.
3. Months of open threats, hate leaflets, and inflammatory statements from both sides that the government ignored despite several warnings from NGOs.
HRW explicitly stated:
“The Nigerian government could and should have prevented mass killings in Jos in September... The violence could have been foreseen but government authorities failed to take action to prevent it.”
Death Toll & Atrocities (HRW):
At least 1,000 people killed in just 6 days (7–13 September 2001).
Hundreds of churches and mosques burnt.
People burnt alive in their homes, hacked with machetes, shot while fleeing.
Bodies littered the streets – some still burning days later.
The Justice Niki Tobi Judicial Commission of Inquiry (2001–2002) – Plateau State Government:
This is the most important official document on the crisis.
Key findings:
The crisis was planned and orchestrated.
The major remote cause was the unresolved question of who truly owns Jos – the indigene/settler dichotomy.
Justice Niki Tobi warned clearly:
“Unless the government and people of Plateau recognize and identify the ownership of Jos as recommended by the commission, there will be no end to crises in Jos in particular, and the state in general.”
According to @hrw
The Response of the Government
Response to the Violence of September 2001
The governor of Plateau State, Joshua Dariye, came under fierce criticism for inaction and negligence before and during the crisis. In particular, he was criticized for traveling abroad just one week before the crisis, at a time when tensions had already
risen to a dangerous level. A local human rights activist told Human Rights Watch: “When the governor returned half way through the crisis, he just tried to order people
to get on with their normal activities [….] The government has been pushing the problem under the carpet. They have played down the violence including the number
of victims. They reacted after the fact and mismanaged the situation.”
As with the police, Human Rights Watch made repeated attempts to meet the governor but was told that he was not available. On the basis of the evidence described above, particularly the threats contained in correspondence addressed to the governor
himself and other material circulated in the days leading up to the violence, it is difficult to believe that the state government was not aware of the dangerous build-
up of tension. The government also appeared to ignore several calls of alarm from local human rights organizations who personally visited the office of the deputy
governor, the commissioner of police and the director of the SSS, including on September 7, the day the violence started. When they asked why the security forces
had not seen the warning signs, they were told that the warnings had been communicated to the authorities; yet no action was taken.
@ARISEtv @CNN @AJEnglish @POTUS @PoliceNG @channelstv
#JosCrisisSeries #PlateauTruth](https://pbs.twimg.com/media/G5isJGwWcAAiFpz.jpg)
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THREAD: THE MAJOR JOS CRISES SERIES
Part 1: The 2001 Jos Crisis –
Let the Facts Speak On Friday, 7th September 2001, what started as a small dispute in Congo-Russia area of Jos quickly exploded into one of the deadliest religious/ethnic clashes in Nigeria’s history. Immediate Trigger (as documented by Human Rights Watch in their December 2001 report “Jos: A City Torn Apart”):
A Christian woman tried to cross a road blocked by Muslims who were praying on the public highway near the University of Jos. Hausa youths challenged her, tempers flared, fighting broke out. Within hours, the whole city was on fire. But make no mistake – this was not a sudden event.
Remote Causes (Human Rights Watch, page 7-10): Deep tension over “indigene” vs “settler” rights in Jos.
1. Hausa/Fulani (mostly Muslim) community feeling politically marginalized.
2. Appointment of Alhaji Mukhtari Mohammed (a Hausa Muslim) as Jos North Poverty Eradication Programme coordinator was seen by indigenous groups as another attempt to dominate them.
3. Months of open threats, hate leaflets, and inflammatory statements from both sides that the government ignored despite several warnings from NGOs.
HRW explicitly stated:
“The Nigerian government could and should have prevented mass killings in Jos in September... The violence could have been foreseen but government authorities failed to take action to prevent it.”
Death Toll & Atrocities (HRW):
At least 1,000 people killed in just 6 days (7–13 September 2001).
Hundreds of churches and mosques burnt.
People burnt alive in their homes, hacked with machetes, shot while fleeing.
Bodies littered the streets – some still burning days later.
The Justice Niki Tobi Judicial Commission of Inquiry (2001–2002) – Plateau State Government:
This is the most important official document on the crisis.
Key findings:
The crisis was planned and orchestrated.
The major remote cause was the unresolved question of who truly owns Jos – the indigene/settler dichotomy.
Justice Niki Tobi warned clearly:
“Unless the government and people of Plateau recognize and identify the ownership of Jos as recommended by the commission, there will be no end to crises in Jos in particular, and the state in general.”
According to @hrw
The Response of the Government
Response to the Violence of September 2001
The governor of Plateau State, Joshua Dariye, came under fierce criticism for inaction and negligence before and during the crisis. In particular, he was criticized for traveling abroad just one week before the crisis, at a time when tensions had already
risen to a dangerous level. A local human rights activist told Human Rights Watch: “When the governor returned half way through the crisis, he just tried to order people
to get on with their normal activities [….] The government has been pushing the problem under the carpet. They have played down the violence including the number
of victims. They reacted after the fact and mismanaged the situation.”
As with the police, Human Rights Watch made repeated attempts to meet the governor but was told that he was not available. On the basis of the evidence described above, particularly the threats contained in correspondence addressed to the governor
himself and other material circulated in the days leading up to the violence, it is difficult to believe that the state government was not aware of the dangerous build-
up of tension. The government also appeared to ignore several calls of alarm from local human rights organizations who personally visited the office of the deputy
governor, the commissioner of police and the director of the SSS, including on September 7, the day the violence started. When they asked why the security forces
had not seen the warning signs, they were told that the warnings had been communicated to the authorities; yet no action was taken.
@ARISEtv @CNN @AJEnglish @POTUS @PoliceNG @channelstv
#JosCrisisSeries #PlateauTruth
![Abdul_Ahmad_'s tweet photo. THREAD: THE MAJOR JOS CRISES SERIES
Part 1: The 2001 Jos Crisis –
Let the Facts Speak On Friday, 7th September 2001, what started as a small dispute in Congo-Russia area of Jos quickly exploded into one of the deadliest religious/ethnic clashes in Nigeria’s history. Immediate Trigger (as documented by Human Rights Watch in their December 2001 report “Jos: A City Torn Apart”):
A Christian woman tried to cross a road blocked by Muslims who were praying on the public highway near the University of Jos. Hausa youths challenged her, tempers flared, fighting broke out. Within hours, the whole city was on fire. But make no mistake – this was not a sudden event.
Remote Causes (Human Rights Watch, page 7-10): Deep tension over “indigene” vs “settler” rights in Jos.
1. Hausa/Fulani (mostly Muslim) community feeling politically marginalized.
2. Appointment of Alhaji Mukhtari Mohammed (a Hausa Muslim) as Jos North Poverty Eradication Programme coordinator was seen by indigenous groups as another attempt to dominate them.
3. Months of open threats, hate leaflets, and inflammatory statements from both sides that the government ignored despite several warnings from NGOs.
HRW explicitly stated:
“The Nigerian government could and should have prevented mass killings in Jos in September... The violence could have been foreseen but government authorities failed to take action to prevent it.”
Death Toll & Atrocities (HRW):
At least 1,000 people killed in just 6 days (7–13 September 2001).
Hundreds of churches and mosques burnt.
People burnt alive in their homes, hacked with machetes, shot while fleeing.
Bodies littered the streets – some still burning days later.
The Justice Niki Tobi Judicial Commission of Inquiry (2001–2002) – Plateau State Government:
This is the most important official document on the crisis.
Key findings:
The crisis was planned and orchestrated.
The major remote cause was the unresolved question of who truly owns Jos – the indigene/settler dichotomy.
Justice Niki Tobi warned clearly:
“Unless the government and people of Plateau recognize and identify the ownership of Jos as recommended by the commission, there will be no end to crises in Jos in particular, and the state in general.”
According to @hrw
The Response of the Government
Response to the Violence of September 2001
The governor of Plateau State, Joshua Dariye, came under fierce criticism for inaction and negligence before and during the crisis. In particular, he was criticized for traveling abroad just one week before the crisis, at a time when tensions had already
risen to a dangerous level. A local human rights activist told Human Rights Watch: “When the governor returned half way through the crisis, he just tried to order people
to get on with their normal activities [….] The government has been pushing the problem under the carpet. They have played down the violence including the number
of victims. They reacted after the fact and mismanaged the situation.”
As with the police, Human Rights Watch made repeated attempts to meet the governor but was told that he was not available. On the basis of the evidence described above, particularly the threats contained in correspondence addressed to the governor
himself and other material circulated in the days leading up to the violence, it is difficult to believe that the state government was not aware of the dangerous build-
up of tension. The government also appeared to ignore several calls of alarm from local human rights organizations who personally visited the office of the deputy
governor, the commissioner of police and the director of the SSS, including on September 7, the day the violence started. When they asked why the security forces
had not seen the warning signs, they were told that the warnings had been communicated to the authorities; yet no action was taken.
@ARISEtv @CNN @AJEnglish @POTUS @PoliceNG @channelstv
#JosCrisisSeries #PlateauTruth](https://pbs.twimg.com/media/G5isJKFW8AAhq3E.jpg)
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Dan Allah don't skip without a single retweet for my hustle,
I really need ur retweet
I sell basmati rice seed
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God bless you as u hit
Delivery nation wide
07030458606
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