No position in the movement belongs to an individual. But neither does the movement belong to a small priesthood of political administrators who may substitute unexplained decree for collective decision, nor to factional intrigues masked in bureaucratic clothe, for the expressed will of communities.
There are over 200 nation-states in the world. Yet, South Africa is the only one that stood up to take Israel to the International Court of Justice.
In 2023, South Africa declined to host the head of state of a BRICS partner country because of an International Criminal Court warrant.
After Nicolas Maduro’s kidnapping a few days ago, SA was one of the first out of the gate to issue a condemnation and refer the matter to the United Nations Security Council.
The reason behind all these actions is that post-1994 South Africa needs to convince everyone, not least its own citizens, that “institutions” work and should be seen as the only way out.
South Africa’s post-Apartheid identity is inextricably linked to the concept of constitutionalism. By taking high-profile cases to the ICJ or the UNSC, and abiding by the ICC at all costs, South Africa is practising Legalist Diplomacy to project the country’s internal DNA onto the world stage.
This cannot be overstated: All this acting on the international stage is meant to reassure and persuade South Africans more than it’s meant to achieve anything.
The idea is to validate the global rules-based order by using the ICJ and ICC to show South Africans that no state is above the law. This reinforces SA’s own domestic struggle to ensure that everyone bows before the Constitution.
This is because South Africa’s constitutionalism means that publicly elected officials can, and are routinely checked and overruled by an unelected constitutional judiciary in Braamfontein.
So, the SA Establishment needs these multilateral platforms so it can demonstrate to its citizenry that “this is actually how the rest of the world works.”
They’re leading by example to show despairing South Africans that there are institutions to be followed and abided by, regardless of how desperate your situation gets.
By submitting to the ICJ, referring matters to the UNSC, or prostrating itself before the ICC, the government is essentially saying to a frustrated or desperate populace: “If we, the sovereign state, must bow to a higher institution, then you, the citizen, must also trust the process over the protest.”
South Africa is essentially trying to prove that a Just Peace is better than a Fast Peace. It asks its citizens to trade the immediate (and often violent) satisfaction of political will for the slow and institutional grind of institutions.
The South African Establishment knows that the masses in South Africa are at a very violent breaking point, and the elite parasites’ domestic survival depends on everyone’s unwavering faith in institutions.
Pointing out Belgium’s hypocrisy in joining ICJ cases while never paying reparations for its genocides in Africa does not mean I am turning away from Palestinian rights. I stand unequivocally for Palestinian life, dignity and liberation. Israel must fall. So must the empire that sustains it. Brussels, the capital of Belgium, hosts NATO and the core institutions of the EU. It is the colonic centre of empire.
MAFIA STATE
Setumo Stone:
“For the current ANC elite, the Zondo Commission served a dual purpose. It provided a cathartic public spectacle to channel rage over state capture away from the systemic failures of the party itself. And it was a potent weapon to be deployed in internal factional battles. Certain individuals were thrown to the wolves. Others, equally implicated in the testimony, were curiously left unscathed or lightly touched.”
“The victims of this process are not just the high-profile politicians and businessmen. They are the countless junior officials and private citizens caught in the slipstream, whose names are tarnished by association or by unsubstantiated allegation given the weight of official testimony.
They are the ones who lack the resources to mount a years-long legal defence against a state-funded leviathan. For them, the commission’s report is the final word. Their innocence is irrelevant. The court of public opinion, gavelled into session by the state, has already rendered its verdict.”
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Let us dispense with the polite fiction. The carefully stage-managed spectacle of a judicial commission of inquiry, with its black-robed presiding officer and its sanctimonious invocation of legal procedure, is nothing more than a court of public opinion with a gavel and a taxpayer-funded budget.
The series of spectacles of retired Chief Justice Raymond Zondo seemingly running for cover when his State Capture commission’s findings are legally challenged, merely confirms what the astute observer has long suspected: these commissions are often elaborate, state-sanctioned political hatchet jobs.
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The Zondo Commission into State Capture stands as the most expensive and sprawling exemplar of this phenomenon. For years, it provided a daily theatre of corruption allegations, painting a picture of a state thoroughly looted. Yet, when its findings and recommendations face legal challenges, what is the response from its architect? A retreat into legal technicalities.
This is a breath-taking abdication of moral and intellectual responsibility. Having unleashed a tsunami of public condemnation against individuals, having named them as central players in the “corruption of the state”, the commission now hides behind the very legalism it rendered optional during its own proceedings.
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Closer to home, the Mogoba Commission in the former Vaal in the 1980s was used by the apartheid government to give a judicial gloss to its predetermined narrative of Black-on-Black violence. Thus ignoring state-sponsored provocation. The pattern is consistent: the commission is a chameleon. It adapts its colours to serve the political needs of the dominant faction of the day.
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Whether one believes the MK Party will ultimately consolidate power is almost beside the point. What is revealing is the language of fear. Anyone who publicly declares that they are “afraid of the MKP gaining political power” is not expressing concern for equality; they are signaling allegiance with whiteness. Fear, in this context, is the tell. It marks those whose material interests, funding networks, and ideological privilege are tethered to established capital. That reflexive panic does not come from the township or the unemployed; it comes from the boardroom, the donor circuit, and the Oppenheimer worldview that has long equated Black political autonomy with threat.
For too long we have waited. For too long we have watched.
On 15 December 2025 at the KZN Legislature, we rise together to take back what is rightfully ours.
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@MbuyiseniNdlozi The answer to your question is simpleton Zondo Commission was designed to tarnish Zuma and clear the way for Cyril's handlers to loot freely.