While a serving senator faces serious allegations linking him to bandits & terrorism, the hypocritical media has again redirected its focus to Malam Nasiru @elrufai who has been unjustly kept behind bars.
In a letter making rounds, it is alleged that the Gov of the state in which that senator serves has written to the President since 2024. Why was there no action taken?
I created an AI Smart Glass to help blind people walk without a cane or a guide ๐
But this is not like the smart glasses people are used to seeing
Because this Glass combines AI, sensors, and GPS to help the user detect things in front of them, avoid obstacles, and know their location
But the most amazing thing is if the user gets lost, the GPS tracking system can help locate where they are from anywhere, and then send the location to the phone of the person taking care of them via WhatsApp or Email ๐ฒ
And now I am further developing it to a new level of AI + Voice, so it can speak with the user and also help them understand their surroundings
I have put the video showing how it works completely in the comment. ๐ฅ
SHARE this project ๐ค๐ฅ
Let the world see what a young Nigerian can build
@mahmudisa529599@Realoilsheikh Na farko yayi auren ba tare da sanin ta cewa na dan wani lokaci ne, na biyu kuma both parties sunsan cewa na wani dan lokaci ne
VDM is a classical example of a modern grifter. See how he is doing as if he didnโt spread the propaganda of Sharia law few days ago. In fact, he was even analyzing the sects of Islam yesterday, where he ignorantly mischaracterized Madhab (school of legal jurisprudence) with a theological sect.
Now, instead of him to apologize for misleading people, he acted like he didnโt say anything related to what the woman has just debunked. VDM is an intellectual coward.
Let me tell you something, my friend.
The Northโs problem is real. Nobody serious should deny it. The poverty is real. The out-of-school children are real. The insecurity is real. The failure of leadership is real.
But if you want to understand the North, you cannot start the story from โthey have had presidents.โ
That is too shallow for a region with this much history, geography, trauma, religion, power politics, colonial distortion, elite failure, and security pressure.
The North did not wake up one morning and decide to hate education. There is a history behind that suspicion.
When the British entered Northern Nigeria, they met an already established Islamic political order. There were emirates, courts, scholars, taxation systems, trade routes, Islamic schools, judges, administrators, and a ruling class that already had its own idea of civilization.
Then colonial rule came with Western education, missionary activity, new courts, new administrative structures, and new incentives.
In many parts of the South, Western education entered through mission schools and became a ladder into the colonial economy. In much of the Muslim North, it carried a different meaning. It was not just โschool.โ It was seen by many as a vehicle for Christian influence, colonial loyalty, cultural erosion, and the weakening of existing Islamic authority.
That stigma did not come from the sky. It came from conquest, mistrust, and the way Western education arrived.
This is why the Northโs education problem cannot be reduced to stupidity or laziness. It began partly as a defensive reaction to a real historical threat.
But here is the hard truth: the suspicion has outlived the threat.
A reaction that may have made sense under colonial pressure became destructive when the modern state began rewarding literacy, science, bureaucracy, technology, engineering, and formal administration.
At some point, protecting identity became indistinguishable from trapping children outside the future.
That is where Northern leadership failed badly.
The old Northern elite understood the danger earlier than people admit. Sir Ahmadu Bello did not sit down and say, โLet the North remain backward.โ His Northernization agenda was a deliberate attempt to produce Northern teachers, administrators, civil servants, professionals, and political leadership quickly enough to prevent the region from being swallowed inside a new Nigerian state dominated by the already Western-educated South.
That agenda had flaws, but it worked in one important sense: it created a Northern administrative class.
The problem is that later leaders inherited the power but not the developmental seriousness.
They inherited the slogans, the emirates, the titles, the political machinery, and the federal access, but not the discipline of mass education, industrial policy, rural development, teacher training, agricultural modernization, and serious security planning.
So yes, the North has produced presidents.
But producing presidents is not the same as producing development.
Power without developmental discipline becomes distribution. It becomes appointments, contracts, pilgrim boards, federal slots, elite bargaining, and recycled patronage.
And geography also matters.
The North is not sitting beside the Atlantic like Lagos or Port Harcourt. It is tied to the Sahel. It shares long and porous borders with Niger, Chad, Cameroon, and Benin. When Libya collapsed, when weapons spread across the Sahel, when jihadist networks expanded, when climate stress hit pastoral routes, when Lake Chad communities were weakened, when Niger and Mali became unstable, the North inherited those shocks directly.
A farmer in Zamfara, a trader in Maiduguri, a herder around Sokoto, or a community in Katsina is not dealing only with โNigerian leadership failure.โ They are living inside a regional security crisis.
That does not excuse bad leadership. It explains why lazy comparisons are weak.
The North also suffered from the Nigerian resource curse in a particular way. Once oil money became the centre of the Nigerian state, productive regional economies were weakened. Groundnut pyramids, cotton, hides and skins, textiles, agriculture, local industry, and regional planning lost importance. Politics became a struggle for federal allocation instead of a competition to build productive capacity.
The North had land. It had people. It had agriculture. It had trade routes. But the oil state taught every region to look toward Abuja.
That destroyed initiative everywhere, but it damaged the North deeply because its strongest assets required long-term planning: irrigation, agro-processing, education, rural roads, livestock systems, border trade, and security coordination.
Now, after saying all that, responsibility must be accepted.
Northern leaders failed their own people.
They allowed almajiri children to become political decoration instead of a national emergency. They allowed banditry to grow from local criminality into a parallel economy. They allowed schools to decay. They allowed girlsโ education to become negotiable. They allowed clerics and politicians to play games with reform. They used poverty as an election structure. They built loyalty through dependence.
That part is true.
But the answer is not to mock the North. The answer is to study what worked before and update it.
Ahmadu Belloโs Northernization agenda can be reimagined for the 21st century.
Not as ethnic exclusion or nostalgia. But as a serious regional human-capital project.
Mass teacher training. Boarding schools in secure zones. Integrated Qurโanic and formal education. Technical colleges tied to agriculture, energy, construction, mining, and logistics. Girlsโ education backed by stipends and community negotiation. Agro-industrial clusters around Kano, Kaduna, Katsina, Sokoto, Bauchi, Gombe, Niger, and Borno. Livestock modernization instead of pretending open grazing can survive modern population pressure. Border security tied to trade, not just soldiers and checkpoints.
Other societies have faced versions of this problem.
Bangladesh attacked female education with stipends, community-level incentives, and a clear national push. Indonesia did not abolish its Islamic schools; it integrated many of them into a modern education pathway. Malaysia used state policy to expand opportunities for historically disadvantaged Malay communities, though with its own flaws. China took poor inland regions seriously through infrastructure, rural industry, technical training, and state coordination.
The lesson is simple: you do not fix historic backwardness by insults. You fix it with policy, discipline, and elite seriousness.
So yes, my friend, criticize Northern leadership. I do it too.
But do not flatten a whole region into โthey had presidents and still failed.โ
That is lazy analysis.
The Northโs crisis is a product of bad leadership, colonial disruption, educational mistrust, Sahelian geography, oil-state laziness, elite capture, and security collapse.
And the way forward is also clear.
The North must stop hiding behind history.
The South must stop pretending history does not matter.
And Nigeria must understand that if the North remains broken, the country will not be stable, no matter how much one region mocks another online.
@SarkinMota_AMF People often display a fake lifestyle when they lack real substance, while those who are truly blessed tend to remain humble. I admire your genuine lifestyle, Sarki Mota no pretence, just real feelings.
Hide your money for bank
Avoid grains at all cost. You an never beat the import matket. If not fruits or vegetables, then, itโs better to subscribe at a suya spot.
Last season, farmers were competing with regards to their losses, some losing 60%, others 80%, and some around 90% of the total investment.
Taโaddancin en bindiga daga Dansadau ya fara a cikin jihar Zamfara, yau gashi yayi spreading gaba daya north west !!!
Idan kana ganin you are safe kana/kina Abuja ko wani big city arewa to ka/ki tashi daga bacci wallahi !!!
Arewa is the only home we have duk Duniya Mr nan, idan ta ruguje wallahi babu kasar da zata karbe mu as refugees !!!
Don Allah mu dinga magana akan taโaddancin daya addabe mu cikin birni, kauyuka da kuma kan hanyoyin yanku nan mu !!!
Idan fa bamu hada kai ba, wata rana duk sai munyi gudun hijira !!!
๐๐ก๐๐ง ๐๐ฉ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฌ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง ๐ ๐๐ข๐ฅ๐ฌ, ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐๐จ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐ ๐๐๐ฒ!
There is a bitter truth many Nigerians must confront without sentiment, the political class is largely united by self interest, not divided by ideology or conviction.
As the 2026 general elections approach, the politicking thickens, because it has actually started immediately this govt came in. Speeches are louder, promises are bolder, defections are dressed up as strategy, and alliances are negotiated in shadows. Yet beneath all of this is a reality that no amount of rhetoric can hide, the ordinary Nigerian is struggling, deeply and consistently.
What makes this moment even more troubling is not just the conduct of those in power, it is the failure, or rather the refusal, of the opposition to rise above personal ambition and present a credible, united front. At a time when millions are burdened by economic hardship, insecurity, and a declining quality of life, those who claim to offer an alternative are busy fragmenting the very hope they should be consolidating.
It is difficult to take seriously an opposition that cannot set aside ego, that cannot sacrifice personal ambition for collective purpose, that cannot read the room and understand the urgency of the moment. Instead of strategy, we see competition; instead of unity, we see duplication; instead of courage, we see calculation.
Let us be honest, multiple โstrongโ candidates in a fractured opposition is not strength, it is sabotage, quiet, calculated, and devastating. It plays directly into the hands of the incumbent, not because the people are satisfied, but because the alternatives are disorganised.
While citizens tighten their belts, political actors are expanding their ambitions. While insecurity lingers, they negotiate positions. While businesses collapse under policy pressure, they calculate electoral mathematics that serve only their personal pathways to power.
This is not leadership, it is opportunism dressed in fine language.
And the cost of this failure is not paid by them, it is paid by the citizen, the trader who cannot sustain a business, the graduate who cannot find work, the family that cannot sleep in peace, the professional whose earnings no longer match the cost of survival.
The tragedy is not just that the ruling class is disconnected, it is that the supposed alternative has chosen comfort over courage, division over discipline, and ambition over responsibility.
At some point, we must stop pretending this is politics as usual, it is not. It is a systemic failure of those who seek power without demonstrating the discipline required to wield it.
No serious opposition, faced with the scale of Nigeriaโs current challenges, should be comfortable going into an election divided. No serious leadership should prioritise personal visibility over national urgency. And yet, here we are.
2026 will not just be a contest of parties, it will be a reflection of whether those seeking to lead have the maturity to put the country above themselves, and whether citizens are willing to reward seriousness over noise.
Because in the end, power is not taken, it is enabled, sometimes by action, often by inaction.
And a divided opposition is not just a political failure, it is a quiet betrayal of the people who are desperate for something better.
๐๐ฅ๐ฅ๐๐ก, ๐๐๐ข ๐ง๐ ๐๐๐๐-๐๐๐ซ๐๐๐ฆ๐. ๐๐๐๐ง๐ ๐ข๐ฃ๐ข ๐๐ ๐ซ๐๐๐ ๐ฐ๐๐ง๐ง๐๐ง ๐๐๐ซ๐๐๐ฆ๐๐ซ๐คฒ, ๐๐ฅ๐๐๐ซ๐ค๐๐ซ ๐ฌ๐ฎ๐ง๐๐ฒ๐๐ง ๐๐ ๐ญ๐ฌ๐๐ซ๐ค๐๐ค๐ ๐๐ ๐ฌ๐จ๐ง ๐๐ ๐๐ ๐ค๐ ๐ฐ๐ ๐๐ง๐ง๐๐๐ข๐ง ๐๐.
Imagine the SOKEZA states Sokoto, Kebbi, Zamfara, and beyond all connected to Abuja and Kano down to Lagos by a modern rail line, with train stations at key stops between the cities !!!
Not just any rail, but an electric train system with air conditioned coaches for
passengers, plus dedicated trains for transporting oil, farm produce, and other goods !!!
Picture how many stations would be built from Kebbi to Sokoto to Zamfara to Kano !!!
Imagine the jobs such a project would create like construction, operations, logistics, and maintenance !!!
State governments could champion this vision or partner with the private sector !!!
So why can't we, the common masses, enjoy the wealth of our own country !!!