@egi_nupe That's why I think access to the south is one of the negotiating terms the Northerners are using to negotiate with the bandits.
Anyone who lived in the north around 2011/2015 would know those terrorists had northerners' buy-in.
The Chairman of Ibeju Lekki Local Govt @Olowajaja has adopted the capture of data of all Okada and Keke Maruwa operators in the LGA, all riders must have TIN registration no and non Nigerians among them must register with immigration office attached to the Secretariat. Kudos
@OgbeniDipo I do not think this will have the required effect. Proper data collection of Okada riders is what is required, and Okada should be restricted to Local govt that it is registered to operate within.
@OG123T@Updateboyx Why didn't the Yoruba kill Afonja before the Fulani did?
In the history of Nigeria, how many people have killed people from their ethnic group?
Da tie mo
“One of the bandits’ demands is implementation of Sharia law.” They say. To burst your bubble, Sharia law says that whoever kills a soul deliberately should be killed. It’s a case of an eye for an eye. When state governments are done playing politics with people’s lives, we will know the real culprits.
@lonislambert What's your source?
Nigeria govt? The one that can't even get a proper census done.
How many ethnic groups is in southern Nigeria?
Which ethnic group has the highest population and where are they located?
"We are suspecting the Kidnapping of School Children in Oyo is orchestrated deliberately because of a larger plan to frame Northerners and justify any type of action taken against Northerners.
Even before any investigation, they have concluded that it was done by Fulanis"
@NuesDaily 250 distinct groups where? It’s not verifiable.
There’s a way to divide it where if two group is merge one won’t suppress the other.
Awo’s book: Thoughts on Nigeria constitution addressed it.
That 250 ethnic group is a northern figure, even our population is questionable.
They've brainwashed this Egbon!
You are literally saying God doesn't know why some people were birthed by non-muslim.
Did you convert to Islam or were you born into it?
Putting the "Islam First or Yorùbá First" Question in Perspective
The question of whether a Yorùbá Muslim should be "Muslim first" or "Yorùbá first" is, in many respects, a very recent enquiry. It is not a question that historically occupied the minds of Yorùbá Muslims for centuries.
Islam has been present among the Yorùbá for a very long time. Some historians trace its presence in parts of Yorùbá land to many centuries ago, with others suggesting a history approaching a millennium. Throughout this long period, Yorùbá Muslims generally did not perceive a contradiction between their Islamic faith and their Yorùbá identity.
The reason is simple: Islam, as practised by the overwhelming majority of Yorùbá Muslims, did not seek to erase their language, ethnicity or cultural identity. Rather, Islam provided a religious framework through which they worshipped Allah while remaining fully Yorùbá in language, social organisation and many aspects of culture that did not conflict with Islamic teachings.
Indeed, one of the reasons Islam spread successfully across West Africa was its ability to coexist with local cultures while reforming practices that contradicted its core beliefs. Early converts did not cease to be Yorùbá, Hausa, Kanuri, Mandinka or Wolof because they embraced Islam. They remained who they were ethnically while adopting a new religious worldview.
This explains why Yorùbá Muslims traditionally carried both indigenous and Islamic names without feeling compelled to abandon one for the other. They spoke Yorùbá, celebrated Yorùbá history, participated in Yorùbá society and contributed immensely to Yorùbá civilisation while remaining committed Muslims. There was no perceived contest between the two identities because they occupied different spheres.
The question of comparison and competition between Islam and Yorùbá identity gained prominence only in more recent times, particularly with the rise of strands of Yorùbá nationalist and secessionist thought that seek to define Yorùbá identity in explicitly religious or spiritual terms.
For some proponents of these movements, the project extends beyond political self-determination into the revival of indigenous religious and spiritual systems as defining features of a future Yorùbá nation. In that context, Islam is sometimes viewed as a challenge because Muslims are religiously committed to rejecting forms of worship and spirituality that conflict with Islamic monotheism.
This disagreement is therefore not primarily about ethnicity. It is about theology.
A Yorùbá Muslim does not reject being Yorùbá because he is Muslim. He rejects religious beliefs and practices that Islam regards as incompatible with the worship of Allah alone. The same applies to Christians who reject aspects of traditional religion because of their own religious convictions.
Unfortunately, this theological disagreement is sometimes reframed as a conflict between Islam and Yorùbá identity itself. Such a framing is historically inaccurate and socially dangerous.
Islam is not foreign to Yorùbá land.
Muslims are not strangers in Yorùbá society.
Yorùbá Muslims are not obstacles to Yorùbá development.
They are indigenous sons and daughters of the soil whose ancestors have contributed to the growth of Yorùbá civilisation for centuries.
The real issue is not whether one can be both Muslim and Yorùbá. History has already answered that question in the affirmative.
The real issue is whether Yorùbá identity should be defined in a way that excludes millions of Yorùbá Muslims and Christians because they do not subscribe to a particular spiritual vision of Yorùbá nationalism.
- Idris Ajani Oni.