Russia has already destroyed more than 1.5 million Ukrainian books in July alone.
Behind that number are school textbooks that children were meant to receive before the new academic year. Publishing houses preparing to celebrate new releases. Newly printed books that never reached readers.
In just one of Russia's latest attacks on Kyiv, nearly 250,000 school textbooks were destroyed and hundreds of thousands of other books were damaged.
Throughout its war against Ukraine, Russia has systematically targeted museums, libraries, universities, archives, publishing houses, and cultural institutions. It is trying to erase Ukrainian history, identity, and culture alongside the people who preserve them.
When a country destroys books alongside lives, homes, and schools, it reveals its true nature. That is why Russia must be stopped.
250,000 books. That is how many my Ukrainian publisher, Knygolove https://t.co/iqJ8bfloG4 lost on 19 July after three Russian Iskander missiles struck the warehouse outside Kyiv. Among them were my books, too.
This is war, and war inevitably brings human and material losses.
But when books burn, it is not just paper that burns. Culture, memory, and identity burn with them. So does a nation’s right to grow and shape its own future. That is why burning books has always meant far more than destroying merchandise.
I have waived my royalties for the next year to help support my publisher. I encourage you to buy Ukrainian books—as a gesture of solidarity with Ukrainians fighting, among other things, for the right to read books in their own language.
Books survive as long as there are people to print them and people to read them.
В Одесі біля будинку по вул. Скворцова, 4 - мразота, яка ще формально вважається людиною, вбила котика шляхом неодноразових ударів об кут будинка. З особливою жорстокістю. Потім воно викинуло тіло котика в смітник.
Саме відео я не буду викладати, бо воно надто чуттєве.
Справа в іншому.
На місце кримінального злочину приїхала поліція, вилучила тіло вбитого котика.
Але мразоту, яка скоїла злочин - відпустили без затримання.
А те, що воно наробило - підпадає під ч.3 ст. 299 ККУ, там не можна просто так відпустити.
Якщо мразота вбиває тварин - вона рано чи пізно "переключиться" на людей.
Я дуже прошу поширити всюди цей текст, бо у нас поліція розуміє виключно розголос.
@IFD33025259@yarotrof Sounds like both were russian. There was a video from this batallion holding the flag and saying that the Ukrainians are controlling Kostyantynivka, but the soldiers are different. And different background.
Окрім мітингів дуже закликаю заглянути на вднг на дні адопції, будь ласка. Можливо, ви зустрінете свою споріднену душу, а можливо - побачите, що якась тваринка може стати такою для когось з ваших близьких і ви їм про це теж розповісте
Вас чекають наймиліші носи-лапи-хвости❤️🩹
@yarotrof@Euan_MacDonald I agree with you. But my heart aches when I see this building where some of the happiest moments of my childhood happened. Last week saw 🇷🇺 flags waved across the street at the administrative building and about a 3-min walk in the opposite direction by the church.
On July 6, China launched a long-range ballistic missile from a nuclear submarine for the first time. According to preliminary estimates, the submarine was a Jin class vessel and the missile was the latest JL-3 model: capable of carrying between three and six nuclear warheads, with a range of 10,000–12,000 kilometers. This means Beijing can now reach the continental United States directly from its coastal waters.
The missile flew from the South China Sea to the South Pacific and fell between Kiribati and Tuvalu. This is only the third ballistic missile launch into the open ocean in the history of the PRC — and the second in two years, although China had refrained from such tests since 1980. Japan, Australia, and New Zealand demanded that the test be called off, as it violates the South Pacific’s nuclear-free status. Beijing simply ignored them — and immediately after the launch, it also announced new naval exercises with Russia in the Yellow Sea.
It’s a familiar pattern. September 2024 — the first launch in 44 years of an intercontinental DF-31B missile, traveling 11,000 kilometers near French Polynesia. February 2025 — live-fire exercises in the Tasman Sea, with dozens of civilian aircraft making emergency course corrections. Consequences — zero. That is why China is repeating and scaling up its actions. It’s the same playbook Russia used to normalize escalation ahead of a full-scale invasion: to accustom everyone to it in advance.
The launch took place a few hours after Australia and Fiji signed a defense pact — a signal to the region that its rapprochement with the U.S. is turning it into a potential theater of war. And two months before negotiations with Trump: Beijing wants to sit down at the table having already established a new threshold of what is permissible.
Now for the main point. Where did China’s sudden breakthrough in its submarine fleet come from — a Soviet “trademark” that Moscow had not shared with anyone for decades? The Kremlin is transferring these technologies to Beijing as payment for strategic supplies for the war against Ukraine. Every month of this war is being converted into China’s nuclear triad.
In 2024, the Pentagon estimated China’s arsenal at approximately 600 warheads; in March 2026, STRATCOM confirmed that this figure had been exceeded, and by 2030, it could reach 1,000. The 2024 launch completed the land-based component of the triad; the current one is the sea-based component. The air component remains, so the next step will be a launch from a strategic bomber. At the same time, China is the only major nuclear power not bound by the Hague Code: it is not required to provide 24-hour advance notice of launches and informs its neighbors just a few hours in advance, sometimes by phone.
At the same time, Moscow and Beijing are coordinating their actions. On June 27, the first joint strategic aviation flights of the year took place around Japan and South Korea; both countries deployed fighter jets to intercept them. There are 110 Chinese ships along the First Island Chain. A new coast guard patrol route east of Taiwan — a de facto ultimatum to Tokyo and Manila.
The conclusion is simple. Any concessions or cooperation between the U.S. and Russia mean a strengthening of China. For a year and a half, Washington has tried to drive a wedge between Moscow and Beijing through negotiations, pauses in sanctions, and frozen aid to Kyiv. The result is obvious to all of us: the Kremlin has converted the time it was given into technology for Beijing, and Beijing has converted it into warheads aimed at the United States itself. This is a huge mistake. Russia cannot be won over with concessions — these only embolden the Kremlin and prove to it that its strategy is working. Only tough action will put the empire in its place.
America must remember: anyone who proposes negotiating with Moscow is working for Beijing.
@Tatarigami_UA@steven_seegel Agree with your take. Any serious update on Kostyantynivka (I gave my valedictorian graduation speech in that building and as a little girl went to all new year parties; mom worked across the street; saw a video with 🇷🇺 flag there last week)
To my American followers: The Ukrainian Community of Maryland and Arts Against Aggression are collecting signatures to urge the Annapolis Symphony Orchestra to cancel the performance of pro-Putin violinist Vadim Repin. You can sign the petition here: https://t.co/x9enJUzgpn
я не розумію чому досі 0 зацікавлених в цьому малюку
він гарний, так, без породи, але які вушка і бровки
він маленький, зараз прям кишенькова собака, згодом стане трохи більший
він ще цуценя, тому може звикнути до всіх і всього, це пластилін, з якого можна ліпити ідеального друга
Another Russia
The West continues searching for “another Russia,” an “alternative Russia,” a “different pole,” and so on. That is because the West itself has, for centuries, been structured around pluralism. As an arena of struggle. As both an agora and an agon. As Nietzsche’s clash of competing wills.
Through this struggle of alternatives - between the Pope and the Emperor, between religion and the state, between kings and barons, between Catholicism and Protestantism, between capitalism and socialism, between imperialism and anti-imperialism, between empire and republic - the West crystallized into what it is today. And it assumes the rest of the world functions the same way.
But Russia does not.
Russia has no genuine “otherness.” Its “otherness” is simply another part of its identity. Its “democracy” is part of its imperialism. Religion is part of the state. Its “anti-imperialism” is part of its imperialism. The “proletariat” is part of the exploitation of the proletariat. Its “Enlightenment” is part of its obscurantism.
In Russia, “otherness” is the tyrant’s trick. The “opposition” is a project of the empire itself. Russia has no alternative pole. It has only one - the North Pole.
Russia has never been structured around pluralism. It has always aspired to build a monistic order - a total hegemony of imperial “unity.” That is where its assimilative drive comes from. Any genuine otherness within Russia is inevitably persecuted. Instead, it manufactures a fake otherness that serves as another instrument of conformity.
Because the West keeps searching for an “alternative,” for another pole, it continues to place its hopes in Russian culture and Russian “spirituality.” And this is nothing new - it has done so for centuries. “Yes, but there is Russian culture,” people say. Surely, from its depths, an alternative will emerge.
Then along come the Ukrainians, who see Russian culture not as the cure for the disease, but as one of its symptoms. As the diagnosis. As the patient’s medical history. As the civilization’s own self-description and primary source material.
The West does not understand this - and often takes offense.
“You Ukrainians are so harsh.”
But Ukrainians simply have a long memory.
“We’ve seen this before.”
The short history of Russia is the story of how every so-called “alternative” enters the stage of history only to confirm, once again, the inevitability of tyranny. It is the story of changing everything so that nothing actually changes.
Peter the Great rejected the old Asiatic Muscovite Tsardom only to build an even more tyrannical Russian Empire.
The Bolsheviks rejected the Russian Empire only to build an even more tyrannical Soviet Empire.
Putin rejected the Soviet Empire only to build an even more tyrannical fascist Russian empire.
We’ve seen this before.
When will the West understand this?
Perhaps never.
Because it keeps projecting its own historical experience and its own intellectual framework onto Russia.
So what should we do?
We must show that the only possible “other Russia” is something other than Russia.
It can emerge only through the end of the Russian Empire.
The countries that broke away from the Russian Empire in the nineteenth and then the twentieth centuries eventually became European: Finland, Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and the nations of the Caucasus. Each followed its own path and faced its own challenges, but the pattern is unmistakable.
That is the model we must continue to advance.
Only then do we have a chance.
The other Russia can emerge only if we get something OTHER THAN Russia.
At the very least, something other than the Russian Empire.
Source: translated and adopted from Volodymyr Yermolenko
An important post about one of the most horrible Russian war crimes happening at this moment.
6,000 Ukrainians are being held hostages and used as a human shield for the Russian military destroying the city of Kherson, with 60,000 civilians targeted by drones, artillery, bombs.