Muhoozi

early and contemporary history of the Great Lakes region of East Africa.

disclaimer: my reposts & likes are NOT an endorsement of your ideas or arguments

[Kentah Gwanjez @GWANJEZ]

"The trouble with us is that we do not read enough. We eat too much and let our minds go empty and dry." Marcus Mosiah Garvey

[Tony Otoa @Comrade_Otoa]

Highlights of Day 3. We got the bikes and rode from Milan,Italy to Chamonix in France. What an amazing experience. Mont Blanc tunnel and the mountain scenery. Twisting roads and the authentic Ugandan vibe to go with it.
#UgandaBikers #EuropeTour2026
@BikersUganda @TourismBoardUg

[Tony Otoa @Comrade_Otoa]

Bikes all set. Fueling up done. Flags up!! Uganda to the World. Rubber side down.
@UgandaBikers
#UgandaBikers #EuropeTour2026

[Dr. Manuel Márquez #MemoriaHistorica Terrassa @ManelMarquezB]

'Intentarán matarme y sumir al Congo en guerras interminables porque saben que una África unida e independiente, tanto política como económicamente, marcaría el fin de su dominio y el comienzo de nuestra verdadera libertad".

Patrice Lumumba
Pte. Congo
Asesinado por Bélgica/EEUU

[UgHistory @UGHistory256]

1993.

Naggalabi, Buddo.

Prime Minister Kintu Musoke, a Muganda from Masaka, sat under a tent as the Kabaka's jeep approached through a sea of singing children.

The Entenga, the namunjoloba, they silenced for decades, filled the air.

A kingdom was being restored.

A modern state was watching.

The Drums Return: Musoke at the Coronation - 1993

For Musoke, the sound of those drums stirred something deep.

As a Budo schoolboy in the old Buganda, he had known a different kingdom, one that existed not as a memory but as a living political order.

That kingdom had been shattered in 1966, when Obote sent troops to storm the Lubiri, abolished the monarchies, and drove the Kabaka into exile.

For nearly three decades, Buganda had existed only in the hearts of its people.

Now, on 31 July 1993, the 36th Kabaka, Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II, was being crowned at Naggalabi, the sacred hill where Buganda's kings had been enthroned for centuries.

The legal path to this moment had been as complex as the history it sought to heal.

Under the NRM, Buganda had existed in a strange constitutional limbo, its people loyal, its institutions dormant, its future uncertain.

The breakthrough came with the Traditional Rulers (Restitution of Assets and Properties) Statute, which carefully restored cultural institutions while denying them political power.

It was a compromise, a negotiated settlement between a government that feared fragmentation and a kingdom that had waited a generation to reclaim its voice.

The ceremony itself blended ancient tradition with modern politics.

A mock battle, the Olutalo lw'ebirumbilumbi, had been staged at the gates of King's College Budo, symbolically affirming the king's right to rule.

Crowds that had trekked from across the world were in full voice.

Musoke, occupying the strange dual role of Prime Minister of the republic and son of the restored kingdom, watched the Kabaka's jeep inch forward.

Pride and pragmatism mingled within him.

When Musoke rose to speak, his words carried that dual consciousness.

He acknowledged the Kabaka with deep respect, a nod to shared heritage, then carefully addressed the crowd.

"The role of the monarchy must change," he stated, articulating the central challenge.

It was not a dismissal but a roadmap.

The task was to build a coexistence where tradition bolstered unity without threatening the hard-won stability of the state.

The walking Kabaka, descended among his people with authority expressed through dignified presence rather than decree, became both a memory of what was lost and a vision of what might be.

The drums that had been silent for decades now beat with a new rhythm, not of political restoration, but of cultural survival.

For Musoke, the pride of the moment was inseparable from the work ahead.

The kingdom had been restored in name and spirit; now, together with the republic, it had to define its legacy for a modern Uganda.

What does it mean when the prime minister of a republic watches his own king being crowned under a law that restores everything except political power?

Musoke stood at that crossroads in 1993.

The drums had returned, the Kabaka walked among his people, but the real work of defining Buganda's place in a modern Uganda was only just beginning.

The ceremony was a triumph of memory.

The future was a question still unanswered.

#ughistory @BugandaKingdom_ @OPMUganda @TourBugandaUG @Buganda_Culture @Educ_Health_Bug @cpmayiga @radiobuddu98

[Muhoozi @muhoozi]

Ankole in 1959

[UgHistory @UGHistory256]

Gentle Winds of Change:

Banyankore in Transition.

Effects of Colonialism's Withdrawal.

Part 1.

In 1959, an American social scientist arrived in Ankole with a Bolex camera.

He was not a filmmaker.

But Marshall Segall had come to capture something precious:

Ordinary Banyankore living their daily lives in the final years of British rule.

Segall's lens turned first to the land itself.

In the countryside, he found a society long distinguished between the cattle-keeping Bahima and the cultivating Bairu.

By 1959, these were not merely economic categories.

Decades of indirect rule had hardened them into something more, a hierarchy the British had institutionalised, translating livelihood into status.

The camera does not explain any of this.

It simply shows a Bahima herdsman moving with his long-horned cattle, a Bairu woman working her plantain garden.

For the Ugandan viewer, the images carry what words cannot:

The quiet weight of a system that had shaped generations.

From the hills, the film moves to Mbarara town.

Here was the administrative heart of Ankole under colonial rule, the district headquarters where taxation, courts, and politics converged.

By 1959, constitutional reforms were underway across Uganda.

Mbarara had become a space where local elites and British administrators negotiated the shape of future governance.

Segall's camera captures African clerks in government offices, Indian traders in their shopfronts, the roads that connected this cattle town to Kampala and the wider country beginning to open.

Economically, Mbarara was the engine of the region, a thriving centre of the cattle trade and a transport hub to the southwest.

Indian merchants, African livestock dealers, and traders made it one of the most active commercial towns outside Buganda.

Socially, its mission schools were producing a new educated class:

Banyankore who would soon fill the ranks of the post-independence civil service. Segall, focused on individuals, inadvertently captured the making of modern Uganda.

A people still rooted in their landscapes and livelihoods, about to become citizens of a nation that did not yet exist.

The film is brief, but its gift is enduring.

It shows the Banyankore not as subjects of history but as people actively navigating change, tending cattle, trading in markets, attending schools, moving through a colonial order that was already dissolving.

For those who watch today, these images are a quiet testament to the resilience of ancestors who built the foundations of the republic with their hands, their herds, and their hope.

The winds of change were gentle, but they were blowing unmistakably.

What does it mean to watch your own people on film, decades before independence, going about their ordinary lives, knowing that everything was about to change?

Segall's Gentle Winds of Change captured the Banyankore at a threshold.

The cattle grazed, the markets hummed, the children studied.

The future was coming, and they were ready.

Part 2 continues.

#ughistory #Ankole @AnkoleArchives @AnkoleTimes @ankole_destin @GovUganda

[Muhoozi @muhoozi]

Museveni "has gone through a metamorphosis; he was in DP first, then in UPC, the in FRONASA, UNLF, UPM, I dont know what next" --Adoko Nekyon

[UgHistory @UGHistory256]

1994.

Constituent Assembly, Kampala.

Akbar Adoko Nekyon paused to speak.

He had been Obote's first cousin, a minister in the independence government, a key player in the 1966 crisis that shattered Uganda's first democracy.

Now, before a chamber that included President Museveni, the old politician declared, "I have changed."

The Maverick's Confession: Nekyon at the Constituent Assembly - 1994

To understand the weight of those words, one had to understand 1966.

Nekyon had been a central figure in the UPC/KY alliance that brought Obote to power.

He had helped build the very political order that Obote then destroyed, suspending the constitution and attacking the Kabaka's palace.

Nekyon had crossed the floor to the Democratic Party after that fracture.

Now, nearly three decades later, dressed in a cream Kaunda suit, he sat before the assembly tasked with writing Uganda's new constitution and made a declaration that was both personal and political:

The ability to change one's mind is not a weakness but the "highest democratic virtue" and proof of a "living political mind".

He then held up a mirror to the room.

He listed the political migrations of those who might accuse him of hypocrisy, Vice President Speciosa Wandira Kazibwe, Ruhakana Rugunda, and even President Museveni himself.

Change, he argued, was a constant in their political journeys too.

By doing so, he dismantled the accusation of inconsistency and reframed the debate.

His speech became not a defence of his own record, but a challenge to the entire political class to embrace a system that allowed for peaceful evolution.

His tone softened as he concluded, shifting from combatant to elder statesman.

His "I have changed" became a plea for a system robust enough to allow such evolution peacefully.

The true measure of a democracy, he insisted, was not its ability to enforce orthodoxy but its capacity to tolerate and integrate change.

The cream of his suit was a quiet beacon of a principled stand in a room swirling with the new politics of conformity.

He had seen it all, independence, crisis, exile, return, and his final message was a warning:

A nation that can not accommodate peaceful political change is destined for violent upheaval.

What does it mean when an architect of a broken past stands before the builders of a new future and admits he has changed, not as a confession of guilt, but as a demand that the new system must allow others to do the same?

Nekyon's 1994 speech was a masterclass in political honesty.

He did not ask for forgiveness.

He asked for a constitution that made future 1966s impossible.

The chamber listened.

The words remain.

#ughistory @UPCSecretariat @KagutaMuseveni @pwatchug @GovUganda @UgandaMediaCent @Parliament_Ug @SpeciosaW @RuhakanaR @NRMOnline @DPSecretariat1 @UPCSecretariat

[Alan Kasujja @kasujja]

Fix this headline!!!!

France announces an Ebola outbreak.

(International Health Regulations (IHR) 2005, Annex 2)

‘Outbreak’ doesn’t just apply to African countries. https://t.co/FbTuIWKoKU

[Jim Spire Ssentongo @SpireJim]

When developed countries are discussing how to even develop more and improve lives of their people, how to innovate more; see the priorities of the leaders of a third world heavily indebted country! And tomorrow we will blame colonialism for our underdevelopment!

[Yoweri K Museveni @KagutaMuseveni]

From Omugurusi Ampa to Maama Giinga.

Today, the 24th of June is Maama’s birthday having arrived on Earth on this very day 78 years ago. The family and myself thank God for having given us Maama, kept her safe in the years of orphanhood having lost her Father, Mzee Edward Kataaha, in 1955 and prospering her in the subsequent years up to today.

In Particular, I thank God for the miraculous re-connection with her on Christmas day, 1972, outside the Inter-Continental Hotel in Nairobi. Although we were from the same area of Ntungamo and had studied at Kyamate together in 1958, we had got disconnected by the troubled history of Uganda.

Since January, 1971, we had been operating from Tanzania fighting Idi Amin. I had, indeed, been involved in the disastrous battle of the 17th of September, 1972 in Mbarara where out of 330 People that attacked on that axis, on account of not being trained, by evening I had managed to take back only 46 including an Obote fighter known as Ageta, a good but chaotic fighter.

[Uganda Embassy Paris @UgandaParis]

Bonjour Paris! 🇫🇷🇺🇬

The Pearl of Africa has officially arrived in the heart of France! The Embassy is thrilled to launch a vibrant new tourism campaign right here in Paris, showcasing the breathtaking beauty, diverse wildlife, and unforgettable experiences that await you in Uganda.
Keep your eyes peeled as our specially branded "Explore Uganda" buses roll past iconic landmarks like the Eiffel Tower! 🚌✨

Why Explore Uganda? 🌿
Uganda is a land of contrasts and wonders, offering everything from adrenaline-pumping adventures to serene encounters with nature:
The Giants of the Jungle:Come face-to-face with the majestic Mountain Gorillas in Bwindi Impenetrable National Park, or spot the Big Five roaming across our vast savannas.

The Peaks & Rivers: Marvel at the snow-capped Rwenzori Mountains and discover the source of the mighty Nile River.

The Warmest Welcome: Experience the world-renowned hospitality, rich cultural heritage, and vibrant energy of the Ugandan people.

Join the Journey 🌍
Whether you are an avid adventurer, a wildlife enthusiast, or simply looking for your next unforgettable holiday destination, Uganda is ready to welcome you with open arms.
Plan your journey today and discover why we are truly "The Pearl of Africa".

#ExploreUganda #ThePearlOfAfrica #UgandaInParis #VisitUganda #ParisToUganda #TourismUganda #TravelAfrica

[UBC UGANDA @ubctvuganda]

Uganda’s tourism campaign has hit the streets of Paris, with branded buses carrying destination images and messages across busy city routes. The two-week campaign, led by the Uganda Embassy in Paris, is targeting French and European travellers. @olwaeddy reports from France.

[Buregyeya Apollo, PhD @ApolloBuregyeya]

The real reason industry is disconnected from education.
=======

Every few years, we discover a new culprit for unemployment, weak industrialisation, and low innovation. Sometimes it is the curriculum. Sometimes it is the universities. Sometimes it is lecturers who publish too much and supposedly solve too few problems. The latest fashion is to argue that education must become more practical, more innovative, and more competence-based.

While well-intentioned, I believe this diagnosis misses the real problem.

The disconnect between education and industry is actually a disconnect between nation planning and nation building.

A university does not exist in isolation. It is part of a larger economic system. The skills demanded by graduates are determined not by what universities teach but by what the economy rewards. If an economy primarily imports, distributes and consumes products, it will naturally create demand for traders, distributors, salespeople and manual labour. If an economy designs, manufactures, improves and exports products, it will create demand for engineers, scientists, researchers, technologists and innovators. In other words, the sophistication of skills demanded by an economy is determined by the sophistication of its commerce.

This is why I find it strange when we place the burden of industrialisation on universities alone.

Every year, governments prepare national budgets worth trillions. Yet how often are those budgets informed by research agendas developed jointly with universities? How many national programmes are translated into funded research questions and communicated to academia? How many government projects deliberately require local technology development, local standards development, or local intellectual property creation?

Very few.

As a result, government plans in one direction, universities research in another direction, and industry operates in a third direction. We then complain that education is disconnected from industry. The truth is that the disconnect began much earlier.

Consider something as simple as an MRI scanner installed in a national referral hospital that requires internet WiFi to function. Most people see a machine that helps diagnose patients. What they do not see is the knowledge system behind that machine. Every scan generated contributes valuable information about disease patterns, equipment performance, software effectiveness and clinical outcomes.

Who learns most from that information?

Too often, it is not the country using the machine.

The manufacturer of the internet enabled MRI machine and its research ecosystem are usually better positioned to collect, analyse and transform that information into improved technologies. Researchers linked to those firms use the data to refine algorithms, improve hardware, develop new applications and create the next generation of products. We provide the data. They develop the technology. We purchase the next machine. They strengthen the next industry. This is not merely a technology gap. It is a sovereignty gap.

When people hear the word sovereignty, they often think about flags, borders and armies. Yet modern nations also require sovereignty in knowledge, technology, standards and institutions. Without knowledge sovereignty, others understand our realities better than we do. Without technology sovereignty, others transform our realities into products before we can. Without standards sovereignty, others define quality and compliance for our industries. Without institutional sovereignty, others shape the rules under which we participate in the global economy.

This is where the debate about competence-based education becomes problematic. The reform assumes that the primary problem is the nature of the skills being produced. But what if the larger problem is that the economy itself has insufficient demand for advanced skills?

No curriculum can create industrial demand. No examination system can build factories. No lecturer can create a national innovation ecosystem alone. A country that mainly rewards importing over manufacturing will not become innovative simply because its students complete more practical assignments. A country that spends little on technology development will not become technologically sovereign because its curriculum contains entrepreneurship modules.

The challenge is much bigger.

We must begin connecting national planning to research, research to industry, industry to procurement, and procurement to technological capability. National programmes should come with clearly defined research agendas. Research funding should be linked to strategic sectors. Public procurement should deliberately create opportunities for local innovation. Universities should be treated not merely as training institutions but as strategic national assets in the creation of knowledge and technology.

Only then will education and industry naturally converge. Until then, we risk endlessly reforming the curriculum while leaving untouched the deeper question of who produces knowledge, who controls technology, who sets standards, who builds institutions, and ultimately, who exercises economic power.

The problem is not our universities. The problem is that our education, industry and national plans are not pulling in the same direction.

This is the deeper argument I make in my forthcoming book, The Five Levels of Economic Power: that nations do not rise by owning resources alone. They rise when they control production, technology, markets, standards and institutions.

[Fox News @FoxNews]

President Trump awards the Medal of Honor to retired Marine Maj. James Capers Jr. for extraordinary heroism during a four-day reconnaissance mission in Vietnam.

Despite suffering multiple severe wounds and massive blood loss after his team was ambushed, Capers continued leading his men, directing fire, and guiding the patrol to an extraction site. He refused evacuation until every member of his team was safely aboard the helicopter.

[Barack Obama @BarackObama]

To George and Laura, Bill and Hillary — we're grateful for your friendship, counsel, and devotion to this country. And to Joe and Jill, thank you for being on this journey with us.

[The Day Warrior @thedaywar90]

Too many people underestimate the responsibility that comes with owning a dog. 💔😡😡

[NBS Television @nbstv]

.@Comrade_Otoa: When I was expelled from Busoga College Mwiri, one thing my father told me as he drove me away from school was, “My son, you are going to become a very important man in this country.” I asked him how, and he replied, “Apollo Milton Obote was also expelled from Busoga College Mwiri too after a strike.”

#NBSUpdates #NBSPeopleAndPower

[Drew Ddembe @ddembe]

This was a formal 1 year contract complete with a public service number and salary scale for Junior House Officers (Medical Interns) until the government caused the current confusion! @YN_BUDDU @DukeofKyagaju @DrGavJoe @RubabindaJr @MirembeDr @HilderKoriang @ekwaroobuku

[Alan Kasujja @kasujja]

The “Public Health Industry” is interesting.

The pattern never changes.

Partners make big commitments to support a government like ours.

Then they go raise money using that very partnership as the pitch.

While they’re doing that, Uganda’s government moves its own resources around just to keep things running.

Then, right when the government has figured it out and plugged the holes — the partners show up.

Like cops in a movie.

And to this day, I’m sure the Ministry of Health is still sitting on arrears from the 2025 situation.

[Michael Tumuramye @MichaelJaQson]

I come from a district (Ntungamo) where one or two out of every ten people you meet are of Rwandan ethnicity but no one is judged based on their ethnic background. I have never seen or ever heard of it.

This sense of entitlement displayed by a small group of self seekers (Frank Gashumba and his friend Dr. Lawrence Muganga) who believe they can advance their ambitions by playing the tribal card, reflects a poverty of ideas and a misplaced belief that tribal sentiment can override the law and the constitutional order.

One of the greatest achievements under President Museveni has been the promotion of a Uganda that rises above tribal divisions and embraces national unity.

If Dr. Muganga badly wants to become a minister, he should focus on addressing the real issues that may be standing in his way, rather than resorting to tribal narratives. Public offices should be attained in accordance with the Constitution and the laws of Uganda, which guarantee equal opportunity to all citizens regardless of tribe, ethnicity, religion or place of origin.