A worker was murdered in broad daylight. And the union's answer is a prayer session at 12 noon!
We do not mock the personal faith of our brothers and sisters. But we state this without apology: prayer has never ended an insurgency and it never will! In the entire history of the working-class movement, no union has ever won a single concession from a ruling class on its knees. The NUT leadership knows this, and they are on their knees anyway!
Where is the strike action? Where is the demand that every NUT member in Oyo State walk out until the Oyo State government gives a full account of the security failures in Oriire LGA on May 15? Where is the ultimatum: no child returns to school without guaranteed physical protection for every teacher and student? Where is the demand for the resignation of every state security official who failed these schools? Where is the march to the governor's office? The NUT has the organisational capacity to shut down public education across an entire state. That is real power, and its leadership has chosen to fold that power away and reach for a prayer circular instead!
This is a betrayal! A layer of union officials so thoroughly incorporated into the bourgeois state, so accustomed to managing their members rather than mobilising them, that they have forgotten what a union is for. A union that will not fight is a circus at best and a pressure valve at worst, and the NUT leadership must be held to account!
What Must Be Built, and Who Must Build It...
The Nigerian working class needs revolutionary political leadership: leadership that connects the beheading of a teacher in Oyo to the removal of fuel subsidies, to the collapse of the rural economy, to the army of unemployed youth that this system produces and abandons, to the global capitalist order and its local managers. Leadership that does not dissolve into press statements or prayer sessions when the moment demands action!
That leadership does not yet exist in organised form in Nigeria, and that absence is itself part of why the masses remain trapped between a predatory state and the barbarism that state failure produces. The spontaneous anger of the masses, however righteous, is not enough on its own. As Lenin wrote, the proletariat is becoming enlightened and educated by waging its class struggle, ridding itself of the prejudices of bourgeois society, rallying its ranks ever more closely. But that process does not happen automatically. It requires a disciplined vanguard of the most conscious sons and daughters of the working class, committed to turning that anger into sustained political power!
That is what the Naija Marxists are building: a genuine people's vanguard, not a pressure group, not an NGO, not another electoral party trading on the desperation of the poor. A movement built on the unfinished struggles of Nigerian workers and peasants who fought exploitation without ever having the revolutionary political instrument their struggle deserved, and which this movement exists to build.
If you watched a teacher get beheaded and felt not just grief but rage at the system that produced that moment, if you are a worker, a student, a farmer, a young Nigerian who is tired of burying people and receiving condolences from the same political class that dug the graves, then you already understand what we are saying. Prayer will not resolve a structural crisis, nor will the ballot box of a rigged bourgeois democracy, nor a messiah from Abuja. Organisation will! Building from the ground up the mass working-class movement capable of seizing this country's future from those who are destroying it: that is the work, and it cannot wait!
Come and build it with us.
Organise. Study. Build the Vanguard Party of the Workers of Nigeria.
Forward to the Nigerian Workers' Revolution!
The Naija Marxists Movement
May 2026
(3/3)
Statement on the Terrorist Attacks and Abductions in Oyo and Borno States.
May 2026
Condemnation and Solidarity
The Naija Marxists condemn the barbaric terrorist attacks of May 15, 2026, in which armed gunmen stormed schools in Oriire Local Government Area of Oyo State and Askira-Uba LGA of Borno State, killing a teacher and a commuter, and abducting no fewer than 87 students and teachers. We extend our deepest solidarity to the families of the murdered, to the communities living in terror, and to every child whose right to education has been violently stolen. These are sons and daughters of the Nigerian working class and peasantry, and they have been failed by every institution that was supposed to protect them. We are disgusted and angry, and we refuse to move on!
How We Got Here...
What happened in Oyo and Borno on May 15 did not come from nowhere. Nigeria is a capitalist, neocolonial economy in an advanced state of decay. There is no serious industrial base. Agriculture has been gutted in favour of oil rents and extraction. The fuel subsidy was stripped from the poor. The Naira was floated into ruin. Smallholder farming and local industry have been destroyed by decades of import dependency and deliberate neglect. The result is tens of millions of young people with no land, no jobs, no functional schools, and no stake in a stable society. Capitalism concentrates wealth at one pole and produces mass misery at the other, and in Nigeria it has done this with particular brutality.
It is in that material vacuum, and not through the scheming of any hidden hand, that armed insurgency grows. When a system cannot provide for the majority of its people, barbarism fills the space. The young men carrying weapons are products of the same poverty and abandonment as the children they are abducting. The peasant driven off his land, the graduate without a job, the artisan whose livelihood was destroyed by imported goods: these are the concrete human beings whose desperation armed groups exploit and whose children they recruit. The ethnic and religious colouring of these conflicts is a distraction from the class content of what is essentially the violent decomposition of a society that capitalism has failed.
Insecurity, poverty, unemployment, and underdevelopment are one crisis with one root: the class structure of Nigerian capitalism and its inability, at this stage of decay, to meet the basic needs of the majority. No security operation will end this, because you cannot defeat a social condition with a gun!
The Government: Blood on Their Hands
The Nigerian government bears direct responsibility for this tragedy. The Inspector-General of Police flew to Oyo to be photographed offering condolences. The Senate called the attacks "disturbing" and moved on. Ministers issued statements and returned to their offices. The children remain missing! This is the full extent of what the Nigerian state has to offer: words, photographs, and silence, repeated after every attack, with no consequence and no change!
This is theatre, not governance! As Engels wrote, the modern state is an instrument for the exploitation of the majority by a propertied minority, and the Nigerian state confirms this every single day. A ruling class whose children attend private schools abroad has no urgent material interest in securing public schools at home. That is the straightforward logic of a class that views itself as above the people it governs. No security apparatus, however well-funded, can defeat a social condition. Only the transformation of that condition through the organised power of the working class can end it!
The Nigeria Union of Teachers: A Leadership That Has Abandoned Its Members
On May 17, 2026, the NUT Oyo State Wing, through State Secretary Salami B. Olukayode, issued a circular calling on teachers across the state to observe three days of fasting and prayer for the safe return of their abducted colleagues and students. Read that again!
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The radical youth across the continent who are looking for answers to genuine and worsening material conditions are right that something fundamental has failed. Decades of independence have produced billionaires in Lagos, Nairobi, and Johannesburg alongside mass unemployment, collapsed public services, and wars that cannot be ended because too many class interests profit from their continuation. The anger at this is correct. The question is whether it is organized around a framework capable of carrying it toward the actual source of the problem. A politics organized around continental identity or racial solidarity has no mechanism for identifying the African billionaire as a class enemy. It has no criterion for distinguishing between the Lagos factory worker and the owner of the factory, because both are African. Capital benefits from this confusion. An African bourgeoisie that presents itself as the leadership of African people, while extracting surplus from African workers and repatriating it to global capital, requires exactly this kind of politics to sustain its legitimacy.
What African Liberation Day should mark in 2026 is the distance between what independence achieved and what liberation requires. A transfer of political administration is not liberation if the class relations that determine who owns the productive forces, who appropriates the surplus generated by social labor, and who bears the costs of debt and war remain intact. Nkrumah recognized this after his defeat. Cabral said it throughout and was assassinated before he saw independence. The argument has been made before, at considerable cost to those who made it. What it has lacked is the organized working-class political force capable of carrying it beyond argument into practice.
Africa will not be free from war, from austerity, from the permanent subordination of its productive capacity to the demands of global capital, until the working class controls the means of production. That is not a continental demand. It is a class demand, and it is the only one adequate to the actual problem.
We forge ahead as we remember, Africa Liberation Day. (3/3)
African Liberation Day, 2026: Independence Is Not Liberation
African Liberation Day marks a transfer of political administration. In some countries that transfer required armed struggle, and the movements that fought for it, in Algeria, Kenya, Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, were met with extraordinary violence before the departing powers relented. In most cases independence was negotiated, because the colonial powers calculated that a managed handover of formal governance was less costly than continued occupation and would preserve what actually mattered: the economic relationship. The constitutional arrangements that governed independence were frequently drafted or shaped by the departing powers. The French CFA franc kept francophone Africa bound to Paris. British commercial interests were protected by treaty. The colonial state did not withdraw. It restructured.
Sixty-three years later, the results of that restructuring are visible in every direction. Wars consuming the Sahel and eastern Congo. Austerity programs administered by institutions whose largest shareholders sit in Washington and Paris. Public hospitals without basic supplies in countries that sit on enormous mineral wealth. A handful of billionaires accumulating at rates that would have been recognizable to any colonial administrator, while the people who produce the wealth that makes this accumulation possible remain dispossessed. To understand why, it is necessary to understand what capitalism is and how it operates, not as a general description of greed or inequality, but as a specific system with specific internal laws that produce these outcomes as a matter of course. (1/3)
The division of the world among the major capitalist powers was the political expression of this economic competition. Imperialism was not a policy choice. It was a stage of capitalist development.
This mechanism did not end with formal independence. The economic structures built during the colonial period, the railways running to ports rather than connecting African cities to each other, the mono-crop agricultural systems producing for export rather than domestic consumption, the mining operations owned by foreign corporations, the financial systems integrated into London and Paris rather than into each other, remained in place after the flags changed. Capital continued to flow outward. The terms on which African states could borrow were set by institutions controlled by the major capitalist powers. Structural adjustment programs imposed through debt conditionalities dismantled what public industry existed, liberalized trade in ways that destroyed domestic manufacturing competing with cheaper imports, and privatized assets at prices reflecting the desperation of states with no alternative. These are not the results of bad decisions by individual governments. They are the results of the class position of African states within global capitalism, as territories integrated into the system on terms set by those who hold capital, not those who hold labor.
The class that inherited state power at independence was not in a position to alter this, and in most cases had no interest in doing so. The nationalist movements that won independence drew their leadership from lawyers, military officers, civil servants trained under colonial administration, merchants whose commercial position depended on the existing trade relationships. This petty bourgeoisie and nascent bourgeoisie inherited states whose economic function was the extraction and export of surplus. Managing that function on behalf of global capital, taking a portion of the proceeds, and disciplining the labor force that made it possible became the organizing logic of the post-colonial state. Marxists describe the class that performs this function as a comprador bourgeoisie. It is not a foreign imposition. It is a domestic class whose material interests align with global capital against domestic labor. Dangote and a Lagos factory worker are not on the same side of the class question because both are Nigerian. Their positions in the relations of production are opposed, and that opposition determines their political interests regardless of shared nationality. (2/3)
๐๐๐ซ๐ฅ ๐๐๐ซ๐ฑ'๐ฌ ๐๐๐๐ญ๐ก ๐๐ข๐ซ๐ญ๐ก๐๐๐ฒ.
Karl Marx was born into a world that did not yet have the language to describe what he was building. He gave it that language, and 143 years after his death, that language is still the sharpest instrument available to those who want to understand why the world is the way it is, and how to change it.
Ideas die. Most of them die fast, because they are built on ๐ฌ๐๐ง๐: on ๐ฌ๐๐ง๐ญ๐ข๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ, on ๐ฉ๐๐ซ๐ฌ๐จ๐ง๐๐ฅ๐ข๐ญ๐ฒ, on the ambitions of whoever holds power at a given moment. ๐๐๐๐๐๐๐ has survived empires, withstood the states that tried to bury it, and outlasted every obituary written for it by people who had too much to gain from its death. It has lasted because it is true. Because it describes the actual mechanisms by which a minority extracts wealth from a majority, and because it points to the only force capable of ending that arrangement: the working class, organised and conscious of its power.
The role of the individual matters in history. Marx himself is proof of that. One person, working with rigour and commitment, can produce ideas that arm generations of fighters they will never meet, in countries they never visited, speaking languages they never learned. Individual effort, rooted in the collective struggle, carries consequences that cannot be contained.
The ruling class has not changed its nature since Marx put it under the microscope. It still lives by extracting what workers produce, and it still reaches for every tool available to keep that arrangement in place.
That analysis has proven itself on the ground. It guided the revolutionaries who changed the course of human history in ๐๐ฎ๐ฌ๐ฌ๐ข๐, ๐๐ก๐ข๐ง๐, ๐๐ฎ๐๐, ๐๐ง๐ ๐จ๐ฅ๐, ๐๐จ๐ณ๐๐ฆ๐๐ข๐ช๐ฎ๐, ๐๐จ๐ฎ๐ญ๐ก ๐๐๐ซ๐ข๐๐, ๐๐ฎ๐ซ๐ค๐ข๐ง๐ ๐ ๐๐ฌ๐จ. Men and women who looked at the world their ruling classes had made, decided it was unacceptable, and used Marxist theory as the tool to dismantle it. They won because they understood the terrain, understood who their enemies were, and built the organisations capable of defeating them.
That same analysis guides the ๐๐๐ข๐ฃ๐ ๐๐๐ซ๐ฑ๐ข๐ฌ๐ญ ๐ฆ๐จ๐ฏ๐๐ฆ๐๐ง๐ญ today. The conditions Marx described are alive in this country, and the task of changing the course of our history falls to us. We are not starting from nothing. We stand on the shoulders of every revolutionary who came before us, armed with the same ideas that have already proven, ๐ข๐ง ๐๐ฅ๐จ๐จ๐ ๐๐ง๐ ๐ข๐ง ๐ฏ๐ข๐๐ญ๐จ๐ซ๐ฒ, that they work.
Our job remains what it has always been: ๐ญ๐จ ๐๐ฎ๐ข๐ฅ๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐จ๐ซ๐ ๐๐ง๐ข๐ฌ๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง, ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐จ๐ง๐ฌ๐๐ข๐จ๐ฎ๐ฌ๐ง๐๐ฌ๐ฌ and the will to end it.
We do not study Marx to worship him. We study him because the analysis holds, and because the work is unfinished.
Happy birthday to the old man. Back to work.
https://t.co/SfUu0o9wdN
In 1945, between 42,000 and 200,000 workers across 17 unions went on strike for 44 days and shut the colonial economy down. What speeches and constitutional petitions had failed to do in decades, Nigerian workers did in six weeks. The strike welded workers from Lagos, Port Harcourt, Enugu, and Kano into one national movement for the first time. It forced the nationalist leaders, Azikiwe, Macaulay, and Awolowo, to publicly back the strikers, because they could see what the rest of the country was beginning to see, that the road to independence ran straight through the working class.
Click the link to read the full articleโฆ
https://t.co/SfUu0o9wdN
In 1945, between 42,000 and 200,000 workers across 17 unions went on strike for 44 days and shut the colonial economy down. What speeches and constitutional petitions had failed to do in decades, Nigerian workers did in six weeks. The strike welded workers from Lagos, Port Harcourt, Enugu, and Kano into one national movement for the first time. It forced the nationalist leaders, Azikiwe, Macaulay, and Awolowo, to publicly back the strikers, because they could see what the rest of the country was beginning to see, that the road to independence ran straight through the working class.
Click the link to read the full articleโฆ
After considerations, we've opted for Telegram as opposed to WhatsApp on the registration form.
If you've already registered with WhatsApp, your application remains valid.
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We invite all comrades and revolutionaries who desire change, to SIGN UP using the link below to become a part of the revolutionary struggle.
The path is now open, it's time to decide whether, you will be spectators or participators of the revolutionary journey ahead. (1/2)
We invite all comrades and revolutionaries who desire change, to SIGN UP using the link below to become a part of the revolutionary struggle.
The path is now open, it's time to decide whether, you will be spectators or participators of the revolutionary journey ahead. (1/2)
In the wake of our declaration and the optimistic reception from the people, we would like to welcome you all as we partake in this revolutionary journey.
Attached are links to our questionnaires as stated in the document. Fill it. Share it.
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(1/2)