@_Penta_one_ Stolen mandate , NDC lacks internal democracy and is democratic.Funso Doherty is not the people's mandate he didn't won the governorship primary in NDC Lagos .
National chairman,NEC and the people who give the tick will come down to Lagos to work for on the election day.
Dr. Naheem won the primary election, therefore he is the governorship candidate of the NDC Lagos state.
@funsodoherty should tell himself the truth and adjust as soon as possible…
🚨 JUST IN: Islamists and leftists are FURIOUS after Tommy Robinson gave the perfect answer
Q: What would happen if you become a prime minister tomorrow?
ROBINSON: "I would STOP Islam, I'd END foreign funding in this country. All the migrants would be taken out the hotels and sent back tomorrow by the military!"
Holy based!
"I would have re-migration. It's time for many Muslims to leave this country. You've got your homes to go to. This is our home. We've got nowhere to go to!"
"We're not allowing it to change any longer. You've seen today, people have fed up then. People are FED UP!" 🔥
This is the way, western man!
h/t Veronika Rogoyska @TRobinsonNewEra
State visits by Leaders are not tourism, and diplomacy is not a fashion parade. Every foreign trip undertaken by a government must deliver measurable benefits to the people, including investments, technology transfer, trade agreements, factory expansion, industrial partnerships, and job creation.
During President Trump’s recent visit to China, the American delegation reportedly included a few top government officials, and many of the biggest figures in global business and technology:
Consequently, huge trade deals worth several billion dollars including about 200 Boeing orders were achieved.
The list of the entourage included
1. Donald J. Trump – President of the United States
2. Marco Rubio – Secretary of State
3. Pete Hegseth – Secretary of Defence
4. Elon Musk – CEO, Tesla & SpaceX
5. Jensen Huang – CEO, Nvidia
6. Tim Cook – CEO, Apple
7. Larry Fink – CEO, BlackRock
8. Stephen Schwarzman – CEO, Blackstone
9. Kelly Ortberg – CEO, Boeing
10. Brian Sikes – CEO, Cargill
11. Jane Fraser – CEO, Citigroup
12. Larry Culp – CEO, General Electric
13. David Solomon – CEO, Goldman Sachs
14. Sanjay Mehrotra – CEO, Micron Technology
15.Cristiano Amon – CEO, Qualcomm
16. Dina P. McCormick – President of Meta
17. Ryan McInerney – CEO, Visa
18. Michael Miebach – President, Mastercard
19. Jim Anderson – CEO, Coherent
20. Jacob Thaysen – CEO, Illumina
That is how serious nations approach diplomacy, by aligning foreign policy with economic expansion, industrial growth, innovation, and national productivity.
I hope that lessons can be learned from these recent visits comparing them with the President of Nigeria’s recent state visit to the United Kingdom.
A large entourage of politicians, aides, and government officials travelled, yet Nigerians are still asking a simple question: what exactly did Nigeria bring home?
Which factories are coming to Nigeria?
What power, technology, manufacturing, agricultural, or industrial agreements were secured?
How many direct jobs will this visit create for Nigerian youths?
What investments were attracted?
What measurable economic outcomes can the ordinary Nigerian point to?
The delegation reportedly included:
1. President Bola Tinubu
2. Senator (Mrs) Tinubu
3.12 governors
4.9 ministers
5.7 members of the National Assembly
6. Over 20 senior State House staff
7. Over 30 security personnel
8. Over 10 domestic staff
9. Several supporters and associates
It is not enough to ride horses, wear matching uniforms, attend royal banquets, and release glossy photographs. Symbolism without substance cannot feed hungry citizens.
Today, Nigeria is in decline, battling serious insecurity, food insecurity, unemployment, a weakened naira, declining industrial productivity, and worsening poverty.
At a time when millions of Nigerians struggle daily to afford food and survive economic hardship, every kobo spent on foreign trips must produce tangible national value: investments, factories, jobs, exports, infrastructure, and economic opportunities.
Nigeria needs leadership that is focused less on optics and more on productivity; less on ceremony and more on measurable economic results.
A New Nigeria is POssible. -PO
Peter Obi’s Fourth Exit: A Character Flaw Too Large to Ignore
#PeterObi#NigerianPolitics#NigerianLeadership#DiasporaAccountability#Tinubu#Nigeria2027
I wrote yesterday with serious reservations about Peter Obi’s fitness for the Nigerian presidency. Today, barely twenty-four hours later, he has left the African Democratic Congress—his fourth party departure in as many years. My suspicions have only hardened.
Let me be direct: I do not take Peter Obi seriously anymore, and I do not trust his agenda.
There is a particular burden that falls on any Igbo candidate for Nigeria’s highest office. The tribalism is real. The racism is undeniable. To be the first Igbo president requires not just competence, but an iron will—patience, sacrifice, and an unflinching commitment to principle under pressure. It demands a leader who can absorb punishment and stay the course. Obi cannot.
His serial party-hopping is not bad luck or circumstance. It is a character flaw. When someone abandons every political vehicle the moment internal friction appears, that person signals something fundamental about themselves: they will not fight. They will not build. They will not endure. These are precisely the qualities Nigeria’s next president must possess.
My reservations deepened when Obi failed to mount any serious public attack on the corruption that surrounds Tinubu and his enablers—particularly the vast, undocumented contracts flowing to Gilbert Chagoury and the systematic looting of NNPCL revenues. A serious challenger would have made this his sword. Instead, silence. Now, another exit. Another search for an unchallenged ticket. Another demonstration that Obi is unwilling to do the hard work of leading.
I do not see him becoming president of Nigeria. He is too unstable. And Nigeria deserves better.
But if the institutions at home have collapsed—if the judiciary is captured, if the security services are weaponized, if the DSS hunts activists and critics—then those of us in the diaspora must act. We must do what Angolans did to Isabel dos Santos. We must coordinate internationally to freeze accounts, seize assets, trigger Interpol alerts, and deny safe harbor to Tinubu and his network across Europe and North America.
We must demand that the Americans release his DEA files on June first. There are no more excuses after the Epstein files exposed Trump, Gates, and Clinton. Tinubu is not larger than Donald Trump. The Epstein precedent is clear: when elites face coordinated international pressure, even the most powerful fall.
Nigeria’s diaspora has the tools. We have the networks. We have the jurisdiction. What we need is the will to use them.
I will not wait for salvation from Lagos or Abuja. The work will be done from Stockholm, Washington, London, and Toronto.
"The condition of our nation and the urgent need to rescue Nigeria, informed my decision to leave ADC for NDC."
Yesterday, I formally joined the Nigerian Democratic Congress (NDC), alongside my dear brother, Engr. Dr Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, with one clear purpose: to continue the struggle for a new Nigeria built on justice, competence, accountability, and compassion for the ordinary Nigerian.
As I stated yesterday, this decision was not made out of anger, personal ambition, or convenience. It came after deep reflection on the present condition of our nation and the urgent need to rescue Nigeria from the dangerous path it is currently heading.
Over the years, I have remained steadfast in my conviction that politics should never be about individuals, positions, or personal gain. It must be about the people, especially the millions of Nigerians who today can no longer afford necessities, whose businesses are collapsing, whose children are losing hope, and whose future is becoming increasingly uncertain.
I left the ADC for the same reason I left the Labour Party: the severe, orchestrated litigation and internal crises deliberately designed to ensure that I, alongside many other notable individuals, do not effectively participate in the electoral process. I sincerely appreciate and remain deeply grateful to the Leadership of ADC for the opportunity to work together in pursuit of a better Nigeria. I am particularly grateful to ADC Chairman Senator David Mark for his exceptional Leadership. I also deeply appreciate my Leader and elder brother YE, Atiku Abubakar, as well as other respected leaders within the party.
As we join the NDC, I sincerely appeal to the Nigerian Government against the encouragement of unresolved litigations and the infusion of crises within political parties. Democracy must never become a weapon against the people. A healthy democracy thrives on strong institutions, credible alternatives, and the freedom of citizens to make choices without intimidation, manipulation, or fear. Opposition parties must not be weakened or destroyed, because when democracy loses balance, the people ultimately suffer.
Nigeria today is passing through one of the most difficult periods in its history. Poverty is rising. Hunger is widespread. Insecurity continues to threaten lives and livelihoods. Businesses are shutting down daily. Our young people are becoming discouraged, and many citizens have lost faith in the system. At a time like this, leadership must be driven not by propaganda or division, but by competence, capacity, character, and compassion.
Our decision to join the NDC is therefore not an abandonment of values, but a continuation of the same mission we have always stood for: building a Nigeria where leadership is about service, where public resources are managed responsibly, where institutions function independently, and where every Nigerian, regardless of tribe, religion, region, or social status, can live with dignity, security, and hope.
I remain committed to working with all Nigerians of goodwill across political, ethnic, and religious lines. The task before us is bigger than any individual or political party. It is about the future of our children and the survival of our dear nation.
I thank Nigerians, especially our youths and women, for remaining peaceful, resilient, and hopeful despite the enormous challenges confronting the country. I urge you not to lose faith in Nigeria. Nations do not change because people surrender to hopelessness; they change because people continue to believe, continue to sacrifice, and continue to stand for what is right.
A new Nigeria is still POssible. -PO
Remember LP? Where were you during the 2023 election?
You’ve written so much about the criminal running the country, and here you are joining them to rubbish the most credible opposition leader we have, joining them to dash the hope of the common man.
THE PARTY HOPPER AND THE PAVED ROAD TO TINUBU’S SECOND TERM
Peter Obi’s fourth political exit in as many years is not a protest — it is a surrender. And Nigeria’s opposition has no one to blame but itself.
By Kio Amachree
President, Worldview International
Peter Obi has now quit the African Democratic Congress, citing what he calls infiltration by agents of the Nigerian state — the very same forces he blamed, word for word, when he departed the Labour Party.  The statement was poetic. It was also, politically speaking, an epitaph.
Obi and Kwankwaso joined the ADC in March 2026 as part of a broad opposition coalition aimed at challenging the APC in the 2027 general elections. Both men quit the party on Sunday, citing internal crises, court cases, and what they described as deliberate efforts to frustrate their participation in the electoral process.  And so, once again, we are invited to mourn the victims — while the architects of disorder in Abuja pour themselves a drink and celebrate.
I have watched this man’s political journey with a combination of admiration, frustration, and now, something approaching grief. Not grief for Peter Obi. Grief for the millions of young Nigerians — the Obidients, the idealists, the first-time voters who believed — who have been abandoned on the altar of one man’s serial inability to stand and fight.
The ADC’s own National Publicity Secretary accused Obi of showing no interest whatsoever in the party’s policy positions during his entire membership, claiming he could not answer basic questions about the party’s framework on fuel subsidy or security — because, in their words, he was never interested. He was waiting for a ticket to be handed to him. 
That is a devastating charge. It may be unfair. But it lands — because the pattern fits.
I warned Peter Obi publicly, in writing, months ago. I told him that Nigerian politics is not a seminar. It is hand-to-hand combat conducted in the dark. I told him he needed to put on his boxing gloves. I told him he needed a rallying call — a banner around which his followers could unite and attract new converts. I told him that Gilbert Chagoury — a man with a Swiss money laundering conviction, whose group has been awarded over thirteen billion dollars in contracts by the Tinubu administration without competitive tender, whose son sits on Chagoury Group subsidiary boards alongside Seyi Tinubu — was the perfect target. A convicted Lebanese businessman whose relationship with Nigeria’s president is being paid for by the Nigerian people. That is not opposition research. That is political dynamite.
He did nothing.
Instead, I became an object of Igbo social media hatred. My father — Chief Godfrey Kio Jaja Amachree, Nigeria’s first Solicitor-General and first African Under-Secretary-General of the United Nations — was attacked posthumously by those who should have been thanking me. History was distorted. The messenger was shot. And Peter Obi’s real enemies — the ones pulling the rug from under his campaign with surgical precision — were never touched.
Obi himself has said, “We live in a society where humility is mistaken for weakness, respect is seen as a lack of courage, and compassion is treated as foolishness.”  With respect, that reads less like a political programme and more like a farewell note. Nigeria in 2027 does not need a man who philosophises about humility. It needs a man who fights.
An ADC legislator has bluntly stated that Peter Obi has pushed the Igbo presidency project twenty years backwards.  That is the real cost of this serial defection strategy — not just for Obi, but for an entire people whose legitimate aspiration for representation at the highest level has now been weaponised, exploited, and squandered.
The accusations flying around — that opposition candidacies are SPVs for personal enrichment, that campaign war chests are collected and diverted, that running mates are chosen for fundraising rather than governance — deserve serious scrutiny. Aviation Minister Festus Keyamo has publicly claimed that Obi has already secretly agreed to accept a vice presidential slot under Atiku Abubakar.  Whether true or false, the fact that such a claim lands without causing outrage tells you everything about how much political capital Obi has burned.
Meanwhile, Bola Tinubu watches all of this from Aso Rock and smiles.
A fractured opposition. A north that has been told, repeatedly, that it will never vote for an Igbo man. An electoral commission that answers to the presidency. A Chagoury network financing infrastructure and political loyalty simultaneously. And an opposition that cannot agree on a candidate, let alone a strategy.
There is still a path. But it is narrow, and it requires ruthlessness — the kind Napoleon understood when he said that one does not make war with sentiment. The DEA asset forfeiture records from the Northern District of Illinois. Judge Beryl Howell’s court order requiring FBI and DEA file disclosure. The Swiss conviction. The BVI offshore structures. Seyi Tinubu’s board positions. The Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway contracts awarded without competitive bidding. These are not allegations. They are documented facts sitting in court files in two continents.
If those files are published. If the assets are frozen. If Tinubu is made persona non grata across Europe and the United States — then the election becomes a different conversation.
If not, the opposition’s chaos will do Tinubu’s work for him.
And Peter Obi — brilliant, principled, serial-defecting Peter Obi — will have written his own political obituary, one party resignation letter at a time.
Kio Amachree is President of Worldview International, a Stockholm-based civic and advocacy platform focused on Nigerian governance and diaspora accountability.
#PeterObi #Nigeria2027 #NigerianPolitics #ADC #LabourParty #Tinubu #Opposition2027 #Obidient #NigerianDemocracy #WorldviewInternational #KioAmachree #GilbertChagoury #NigeriaAccountability #2027Elections #IgboPresidency
Peter Obi’s Fourth Exit: A Character Flaw Too Large to Ignore
#PeterObi#NigerianPolitics#NigerianLeadership#DiasporaAccountability#Tinubu#Nigeria2027
I wrote yesterday with serious reservations about Peter Obi’s fitness for the Nigerian presidency. Today, barely twenty-four hours later, he has left the African Democratic Congress—his fourth party departure in as many years. My suspicions have only hardened.
Let me be direct: I do not take Peter Obi seriously anymore, and I do not trust his agenda.
There is a particular burden that falls on any Igbo candidate for Nigeria’s highest office. The tribalism is real. The racism is undeniable. To be the first Igbo president requires not just competence, but an iron will—patience, sacrifice, and an unflinching commitment to principle under pressure. It demands a leader who can absorb punishment and stay the course. Obi cannot.
His serial party-hopping is not bad luck or circumstance. It is a character flaw. When someone abandons every political vehicle the moment internal friction appears, that person signals something fundamental about themselves: they will not fight. They will not build. They will not endure. These are precisely the qualities Nigeria’s next president must possess.
My reservations deepened when Obi failed to mount any serious public attack on the corruption that surrounds Tinubu and his enablers—particularly the vast, undocumented contracts flowing to Gilbert Chagoury and the systematic looting of NNPCL revenues. A serious challenger would have made this his sword. Instead, silence. Now, another exit. Another search for an unchallenged ticket. Another demonstration that Obi is unwilling to do the hard work of leading.
I do not see him becoming president of Nigeria. He is too unstable. And Nigeria deserves better.
But if the institutions at home have collapsed—if the judiciary is captured, if the security services are weaponized, if the DSS hunts activists and critics—then those of us in the diaspora must act. We must do what Angolans did to Isabel dos Santos. We must coordinate internationally to freeze accounts, seize assets, trigger Interpol alerts, and deny safe harbor to Tinubu and his network across Europe and North America.
We must demand that the Americans release his DEA files on June first. There are no more excuses after the Epstein files exposed Trump, Gates, and Clinton. Tinubu is not larger than Donald Trump. The Epstein precedent is clear: when elites face coordinated international pressure, even the most powerful fall.
Nigeria’s diaspora has the tools. We have the networks. We have the jurisdiction. What we need is the will to use them.
I will not wait for salvation from Lagos or Abuja. The work will be done from Stockholm, Washington, London, and Toronto.
Peter Obi’s Fourth Exit: A Character Flaw Too Large to Ignore
#PeterObi#NigerianPolitics#NigerianLeadership#DiasporaAccountability#Tinubu#Nigeria2027
I wrote yesterday with serious reservations about Peter Obi’s fitness for the Nigerian presidency. Today, barely twenty-four hours later, he has left the African Democratic Congress—his fourth party departure in as many years. My suspicions have only hardened.
Let me be direct: I do not take Peter Obi seriously anymore, and I do not trust his agenda.
There is a particular burden that falls on any Igbo candidate for Nigeria’s highest office. The tribalism is real. The racism is undeniable. To be the first Igbo president requires not just competence, but an iron will—patience, sacrifice, and an unflinching commitment to principle under pressure. It demands a leader who can absorb punishment and stay the course. Obi cannot.
His serial party-hopping is not bad luck or circumstance. It is a character flaw. When someone abandons every political vehicle the moment internal friction appears, that person signals something fundamental about themselves: they will not fight. They will not build. They will not endure. These are precisely the qualities Nigeria’s next president must possess.
My reservations deepened when Obi failed to mount any serious public attack on the corruption that surrounds Tinubu and his enablers—particularly the vast, undocumented contracts flowing to Gilbert Chagoury and the systematic looting of NNPCL revenues. A serious challenger would have made this his sword. Instead, silence. Now, another exit. Another search for an unchallenged ticket. Another demonstration that Obi is unwilling to do the hard work of leading.
I do not see him becoming president of Nigeria. He is too unstable. And Nigeria deserves better.
But if the institutions at home have collapsed—if the judiciary is captured, if the security services are weaponized, if the DSS hunts activists and critics—then those of us in the diaspora must act. We must do what Angolans did to Isabel dos Santos. We must coordinate internationally to freeze accounts, seize assets, trigger Interpol alerts, and deny safe harbor to Tinubu and his network across Europe and North America.
We must demand that the Americans release his DEA files on June first. There are no more excuses after the Epstein files exposed Trump, Gates, and Clinton. Tinubu is not larger than Donald Trump. The Epstein precedent is clear: when elites face coordinated international pressure, even the most powerful fall.
Nigeria’s diaspora has the tools. We have the networks. We have the jurisdiction. What we need is the will to use them.
I will not wait for salvation from Lagos or Abuja. The work will be done from Stockholm, Washington, London, and Toronto.