Don't kill me; I like to look at complex issues from different vantage points. I am a contrarian.
Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3 and the Recalibration of Zimbabwe’s Political Risk Profile: An Investor and Governance Perspective https://t.co/VXO8u87o3N
@matinyarare@mawarirej Everyone connected to the matter says they were paid and compensated. You're the only one claiming otherwise. That claim is becoming increasingly difficult to sustain.
@bla_bidza Interesting analysis. Once the conversation shifts from emotion to governance, risk management and long-term economic planning, the value proposition of #CA3 becomes clearer.
Stability. Predictability. Continuity.
Welcome into the light. #CA3#Vision2030
@MateteYoung The key question is not whether CA3 is popular or unpopular, but whether the amendments fall within the referendum triggering provisions of the Constitution. That remains a matter of legal interpretation. #CA3
@NewsHawksLive "While social media trends may dominate timelines, Hon. Ziyambi says the official record shows #CA3 became the most debated constitutional amendment in Zimbabwe's history, with 182 MPs participating and over 540,000 citizen submissions received." #CA3#ZimbabweParliament
@nelsonchamisa Calling CA3 not a done deal does not change the reality that elected representatives debated, amended, and approved it. That is how constitutional democracy works
@citezw When Parliament is called upon to make decisions of national significance, attendance is not optional. MPs who failed to participate in the #CA3 vote neglected their duty to the people who sent them to represent their interests.
Fair representation begins with fair boundaries. Clause 11 establishes an independent Delimitation Commission to ensure constituency and ward boundaries are reviewed professionally and transparently.#CA3ZVAENDWA
@NewsHawksLive A stronger democracy is one where every region matters. #CA3 enhances the role of parliamentary representation, helping ensure that marginalised communities are not excluded from the national decision making process.
CA3 is a test of democratic maturity allowing institutions to function, respecting constitutional processes, and accepting outcomes reached through lawful procedures.# #CA3
#SUNDAYREFLECTION:
Facts, law, and history stand independent of—and are in no way determined by—any individual’s political affiliation or attachment to a party or personality. To imagine otherwise, to believe that political affiliation alone makes one factually, legally, or historically correct, is the very definition of self-indulgent folly. This is why a cardinal methodological canon of political science is that theory follows practice. Only dilettantes suppose the opposite, that practice must follow theory. Those who claim to occupy the “right side of history” or to stand “with the people” solely by virtue of their political affiliation are delusional. History admits of no right side, no wrong side, and no single side. It comprises multiple sides, all embodied in and expressed through society’s always inclusive self-interpretation!
@ProfJNMoyo Reality exists before ideology. Those who force facts to fit political narratives eventually collide with law, evidence and history itself.
The "effect" has to be of "an amendment to a term-limit provision"; not of ANY amendment. There are many provisions in the Constitution of Zimbabwe that deal with (or provide for) time but they're not all "term limit provisions".
Once you use an indiscriminate "effect basis" without being clear about the premise or cause of that effect, you end up with a bambazonke interpretation, which by definition would be unworkable and untenable in terms of its practical application.
The ConCourt resolved this in the landmark Mupungu case, when it rejected a precisely similar argument that the "effect" of raising the retirement age of judges of the apex courts from 70 to 75 years amounted to triggering the "non-benefit" rule in section 328(7). The ConCourt held that an age limit is not a term limit.
That logic or legal reasoning employed by the ConCourt regarding an age limit, applies to a term length (such as in sections 95(2)(b) and 143(1). Various versions of term-lengths or institutional durations of the elective public offices of the President, Parliament and Local Government have been in the Constitution of Zimbabwe since 1980; and they have never been treated as term limits; because they're not. All constitutions have term lengths for elective public offices; but not all have term limits. President Mugabe stayed in office for 37 years under term-lengths with no term limits.
In North America Franklin D. Roosevelt served four terms as President of the United States. Elected in 1932, 1936, 1940, and 1944, he remains the only U.S. president in history to be elected to more than two terms.
Before Roosevelt's presidency, there was no legal or constitutional term limit a US president could serve until the 22nd Amendment was passed in 1951. Prior to that, US presidents had only four-year term lengths which were open to unlimited tenure or re-election.
Similarly, in Zimbabwe, the various term length provisions in place since 1980 did not suddenly become term limit provisions by the introduction of section 91(2) in 2013 under the new Constitution; the true and only term limit provision governing a term limit provision for an elective public office in Zimbabwe.
Notably, there's still no term limit provision in the Constitution for Members of Parliament or Local Authority Councillors. Only the President is subject to a term limit provision; and only under section 91(2) and nowhere else in or under the Constitution
@ProfJNMoyo@peterndoro The Mupungu ruling settled the principle not every provision affecting tenure triggers Section 328(7). Constitutional interpretation must be guided by law, not political slogans.
A constitutional referendum is not triggered by controversy, opposition, or social media pressure. The only question that matters is whether the Constitution expressly requires one. Law is determined by the text, not the noise. #CA3