⸻⸻ ⸻ ⸻⸻
RECKONING CODE
⸻⸻ ⸻ ⸻⸻
HYPOCRISY IN BLACK
⸻⸻ ⸻ ⸻⸻
If the sky is truly falling…
Why are we still
the world’s biggest coal peddlers?
400 million tonnes
shipped out every year.
Burned abroad
into roughly one billion
tonnes of CO₂.
More than triple
what we emit at home.
But here’s the sleight of hand
they conveniently bury -
Scope 3 emissions.
The ones that happen
when our exported coal
is burned overseas.
Direct burns here
- Counted.
Power we buy from the grid?
- Counted.
But the massive emissions
from the black gold we sell?
Conveniently ignored.
Not in our net-zero targets.
Not in our Paris promises.
The buyer claims it.
We claim the cash.
$60–120 billion a year
flowing in.
While farmers stand
on cracked earth,
chained to transmission towers
feeding distant city glow.
Holding faded photos
of the pioneers
who carved this nation from dirt…
…watching our inheritance
sold raw,
only to buy back energy
insecurity at markup prices.
If this is an absolute emergency -
Stop the exports.
Full embargo.
Tomorrow.
No more excuses
of 'someone else will sell it.'
Lead with crisis conviction.
Not with calculated profit.
Rural Australia is shackled
for the cause.
Urban Australia signalled
to sleep easy.
Elites pocket the dividends
either way.
Let's save the planet.
Instead of this selective sacrifice.
Wrapped in green.
Or is it time to shatter the chains.
Keep the resources here.
Forge the reactors on our soil.
Thorium.
Uranium.
Sovereignty.
Australian fuel
powering Australian lives.
No more selling the farm…
…to feed a farce.
The farmer still remembers.
Do we?
⸻⸻ ⸻ ⸻⸻
2026 - THE RECKONING
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AUSTRALIA FIRST ⚡️🫡🇦🇺
⸻⸻ ⸻ ⸻⸻
Australia’s sex discrimination commissioner has confirmed in senate estimates that men who claim to be women are covered by breastfeeding protections in the sex discrimination act.
This is what the law looks like when you take the same rules that protect one slice of the community and swap them to protect another group.
It shows how quickly a framework written for one set of identities becomes a general tool for policing speech, stereotypes, and association once you treat any group as needing special protection from mockery or exclusion.
https://t.co/HQRVLJCpao
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RECKONING CODE
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Combatting Bogan Vilification,
Class-Based Hatred
and Extremism
(Criminal and Migration Laws)
Act 2026
No. , 2026
A Bill for an Act to amend
legislation relating to
criminal law, migration law
and other matters
to combat vilification,
hatred and extremism
directed at bogans
The Parliament
of Australia enacts:
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1. Short title
⸻⸻ ⸻ ⸻⸻
This Act is the Combatting
Bogan Vilification,
Class-Based Hatred
and Extremism
(Criminal and Migration Laws)
Act 2026.
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2. Commencement
⸻⸻ ⸻ ⸻⸻
(1) Each provision of this Act
specified in column 1
of the table commences,
or is taken to have commenced,
in accordance with column 2
of the table.
(2) Any other statement
in column 2 has effect
according to its terms.
⸻⸻ ⸻ ⸻⸻
Schedule 1
- Criminal law amendments
Criminal Code Act 1995
1 After Part 5.3
(or appropriate insertion point
for new aggravated offences)
Insert:
Division - Aggravated offences
for preachers, leaders
and radicalisation in relation
to bogan hatred
[New sections creating
aggravated offences
for preachers / leaders
who advocate / threaten force
or violence against bogans,
or adults who seek to radicalise
children / youth into
viewing bogans as inferior
/ subhuman / threats,
with penalties up to
7 - 10 years imprisonment.]
⸻⸻ ⸻ ⸻⸻
New section 80.2BF
Publicly promoting or
inciting bogan hatred
(1)
A person commits
an offence if:
(a) the person publicly
promotes or incites hatred
towards bogans
(persons perceived as being
of working-class,
regional, or stereotyped
Australian socio-economic /
cultural background); and
(b) the conduct is reasonably
likely to cause
a reasonable member
of the bogan community
to feel intimidated,
harassed or fear violence.
Penalty:
Imprisonment for 5 years.
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Part 4 - Prohibited hate groups
[New framework empowering
the Minister for Hope Affairs,
on advice from
EASYO
(Emigrating Australian
Service - Yo! )
or
AFPEDDO's,
(Australian Federal protectors
of double D's)
to list and prohibit
'bogan hate groups'
- organisations,
online communities,
media entities,
or cliques that promote hatred,
stereotypes, exclusion,
|or threats against bogans
(e.g., groups normalising
'bogan-bashing,'
class snobbery leading to
discrimination,
or glorifying violence /
exclusion).]
- Membership of a prohibited
bogan hate group:
up to 7 years imprisonment.
- Being a director, recruiter,
or funder: up to 15 years.
- No requirement for
procedural fairness in listing
(as per original).
- Bans on symbols
associated with bogan hatred
(e.g., certain mocking memes,
logos used derogatorily,
or iconography like
'bogan hunter' imagery).
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Crimes Act 1914
[Insert aggravated
sentencing factor:
Courts must impose
harsher penalties if a crime
(e.g., assault, vandalism,
discrimination in employment /
housing) is motivated by
hatred towards a person
perceived as bogan.]
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Schedule 2 -
Migration amendments
Migration Act 1958
[Insert new grounds
for visa refusal / cancellation:]
- Spreading bogan vilification,
class-based hatred,
or extremism.
- Engaging in conduct
that promotes hatred
towards bogans,
or associating with groups
that do so.
- Posing a risk of inciting division
or fear among bogans
if granted / remaining in Australia.
[Expanded powers to deport
non-citizens or refuse entry
based on past statements,
associations, or risk of future
anti-bogan rhetoric/conduct.]
Other provisions
- Strengthened prohibited
symbols offences
(e.g., displaying items mocking
bogans in ways that intimidate).
- Review by
Parliamentary Joint Committee
on Intelligence and Security
of the operation of aggravated
offences and prohibited hate
group framework.
- Application not limited
to bogans alone,
but triggered by
class-based hatred
(broadly worded to cover
socio-economic /
ethnic overlaps).
⸻⸻ ⸻ ⸻⸻
Schedule 3
- Interpretative provisions
relating to bogan identity,
tropes and symbols
Criminal Code Act 1995
New section 80.2BE
- Meaning of ‘bogan’
and conduct targeting
bogan-associated tropes
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(1)
For the purposes of this Act,
a person is perceived
as a bogan if a reasonable
person would identify them
(or believe them to be)
as belonging to
a working-class, regional,
outer-suburban,
or stereotypically Australian
socio-economic / cultural group
by reference to one or more
of the following
characteristic markers:
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(a)
Hairstyles - including the mullet
(short on top and sides,
long at the back),
rat’s tail, long unkempt hair,
bleached tips, or similar styles
commonly mocked as
low-maintenance or dated;
⸻⸻ ⸻ ⸻⸻
(b)
Clothing and footwear
- including but not limited to:
- flannelette shirts
('flannies or flannos'),
often check-patterned
and worn open over
a navy blue Bonds-style singlet,
bluey, or 'wife-beater';
- ugg boots (sheepskin boots)
worn in public with jeans,
tracksuitsuits, shorts,
leggings, or miniskirts
regardless of season
or occasion;
- rubber thongs
(double pluggers) as primary
or preferred footwear;
- Stubbie shorts, tracky daks,
ripped or stone-washed denim,
hi-vis workwear outside
work contexts, baseball caps
(even though cricket is king)
, or slogan T-shirts
featuring bands such as AC/DC,
Cold Chisel, Metallica,
or Jimmy Barnes;
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(c)
Accessories, grooming
and personal presentation
- including visible tattoos
(e.g., Southern Cross constellation,
Ned Kelly imagery, tribal designs,
barbed wire or 'mum' in a heart'),
missing teeth or
prominent dental gaps,
acceptably excessive piercings,
mullet wigs (real or fake),
or grooming perceived
as unkempt;
⸻⸻ ⸻ ⸻⸻
(d)
Cultural and behavioural tropes
- including but not limited to:
- preference for or conspicuous
consumption of
Victoria Bitter (VB), XXXX Gold,
or other mass-market lagers;
- ownership or enthusiastic
modification of Australian-made
vehicles (e.g., Holden Commodore,
Ford Falcon ute, Torana XU1
or acronyms referring to vehicles
including but not limited to
FX, FJ, FE, FC, FB, EK, EJ, EH, HD,
HR, HK, HT, HG, HQ, HJ, HX, HZ,
WB, VH, VK, VL, VN, VP, VR, VS,
VT, VX, VY, VZ, VE, VF.)
featuring loud exhausts,
lowered suspension,
or burnouts;
- participation in or glorification
of burnouts, hooning,
street racing, or car park revving;
- loud playback of
classic Australian rock, pub rock,
or heavy metal in public
or residential settings.
⸻⸻ ⸻ ⸻⸻
(2)
Conduct is taken to publicly
promote or incite hatred towards
bogans if it mocks, derides,
stereotypes, dehumanises
or calls for exclusion / violence
against persons based
on the above markers,
including (without limitation):
• creation, sharing, display
or sale of memes, graphics,
videos, stickers, clothing
or signage depicting
'bogan hunting', mullet shaming,
ugg boot mockery,
flannelette disparagement,
VB-can stereotypes,
burnout glorification
as 'feral',
or similar derogatory imagery;
• use of phrases such
as 'mullet-wearing bogan',
'ugg boot-footy-fan',
'flanny or flanno feral',
'VB guzzler', 'bogan of the week',
'bogan baiting',
or equivalent terms in a manner
reasonably likely to cause
intimidation, harassment
or fear of violence
to a reasonable person
identified with those tropes;
• public advocacy
for or normalisation
of discrimination,
exclusion or violence
targeting individuals exhibiting
the above characteristics.
(3)
For the avoidance of doubt:
• self-identification as a bogan,
proud embrace of any
of the above markers,
or participation in
bogan-affirming events
(e.g., Bogan Pride,
mullet competitions,
ute musters) does not remove
protection under this Act;
• the protections apply
irrespective of whether
the person actually belongs to
a working-class or regional
background, provided they are
perceived as such due to
the tropes listed.
• Australians (and bogans)
may freely laugh at ourselves
and embrace our own bogan
tropes with pride,
but this Act ensures
no one else gets to laugh at us
without consequence.
⸻⸻ ⸻ ⸻⸻
(4)
The Minister may,
by legislative instrument,
declare additional symbols,
imagery or tropes
to be prohibited bogan-hate
symbols for the purposes
of prohibited hate group
and prohibited symbols
offences under this Act.
⸻⸻ ⸻ ⸻⸻
Using the incident against Helen Haines as the reason to tighten rules on ordinary people speaking to each other on social media would be a straightforward move to limit dissent under the guise of safety.
The clip already points that way. Threats get blamed on political anger and social media algorithms.
Littleproud says social media companies could fix it overnight by changing the algorithms.
How exactly does that work?
Changing the algorithms does not remove the public’s reaction.
It reduces how far and how fast people can see and share what others are saying about it.
The practical effect is less open conversation between ordinary people on the topics that produce the perceived anger.
Being angry is not a crime.
It’s a human reaction to poor governance that directly affects people’s lives.
Acting on the anger is different and won’t change because of an algorithm.
That is the distinction.
There is no evidence that people’s reactions on social media caused the incident in question.
Yet reducing that conversation remains the preferred response.
The public has never been more able to talk to each other directly.
That connectivity seems to be the real problem for them.
Politically cashing in on the Helen Haines incident would not be a surprise.
We’ve seen it before.
Under-16 social media ban
The government pointed to a consultation and public submissions as justification. It was not a properly designed representative survey. The process was open and shaped by organised responses, which is why it was described as stacked. Some platforms were treated as the main culprit while others, including Snapchat, received less attention despite being among the higher-risk apps for under-16s. Broader factors received less scrutiny. The move also expanded the eSafety Commissioner’s role.
COVID period
Lockdowns, mandates and emergency powers were justified by health data. Once the acute phase passed, some of those expanded powers stayed or were quietly repurposed.
The selective focus on ‘misinformation’
continued while official messaging and policy failures received less scrutiny.
Port Arthur
Immediate and lasting gun control changes.
The tragedy is still being questioned by the public, even for law-abiding citizens who were treated as if they were the perpetrator.
It was also the moment successive governments locked in a national framework that has been defended ever since as not negotiable.
No equivalent focus on government messaging,
broken promises, or the conditions that produced
the public reaction.
The scrutiny lands on public speech and the platforms.
The people in charge of the policies and the official narrative stay outside that frame.
That is the double standard.
We all know how they love a double standard.
How many times do we reckon Albo blames social media tomorrow?
It’s sad to see your initial reaction. If you’ve lost the ability to see that there are still moments in life that shows that goodness still exists in human spirit in whatever form it presents itself, I would suggest you consider searching your soul to find the positive qualities that even the most skeptical of people possesses.
If the video or the memory of it shifts even one person’s choice toward doing something decent, then for the people who made it and the people who felt it, the effort clears the bar every time. ✌🏼
I really like this guy!
Viktor Wong - a Hong Kong independence activist who sought refuge in Australia, and fell in love with the place.
🟠🟠 Australia is united behind One Nation!
Using the incident against Helen Haines as the reason to tighten rules on ordinary people speaking to each other on social media would be a straightforward move to limit dissent under the guise of safety.
The clip already points that way. Threats get blamed on political anger and social media algorithms.
Littleproud says social media companies could fix it overnight by changing the algorithms.
How exactly does that work?
Changing the algorithms does not remove the public’s reaction.
It reduces how far and how fast people can see and share what others are saying about it.
The practical effect is less open conversation between ordinary people on the topics that produce the perceived anger.
Being angry is not a crime.
It’s a human reaction to poor governance that directly affects people’s lives.
Acting on the anger is different and won’t change because of an algorithm.
That is the distinction.
There is no evidence that people’s reactions on social media caused the incident in question.
Yet reducing that conversation remains the preferred response.
The public has never been more able to talk to each other directly.
That connectivity seems to be the real problem for them.
Politically cashing in on the Helen Haines incident would not be a surprise.
We’ve seen it before.
Under-16 social media ban
The government pointed to a consultation and public submissions as justification. It was not a properly designed representative survey. The process was open and shaped by organised responses, which is why it was described as stacked. Some platforms were treated as the main culprit while others, including Snapchat, received less attention despite being among the higher-risk apps for under-16s. Broader factors received less scrutiny. The move also expanded the eSafety Commissioner’s role.
COVID period
Lockdowns, mandates and emergency powers were justified by health data. Once the acute phase passed, some of those expanded powers stayed or were quietly repurposed.
The selective focus on ‘misinformation’
continued while official messaging and policy failures received less scrutiny.
Port Arthur
Immediate and lasting gun control changes.
The tragedy is still being questioned by the public, even for law-abiding citizens who were treated as if they were the perpetrator.
It was also the moment successive governments locked in a national framework that has been defended ever since as not negotiable.
No equivalent focus on government messaging,
broken promises, or the conditions that produced
the public reaction.
The scrutiny lands on public speech and the platforms.
The people in charge of the policies and the official narrative stay outside that frame.
That is the double standard.
We all know how they love a double standard.
How many times do we reckon Albo blames social media tomorrow?
A Liberal candidate has been forced to apologise after leaked audio revealed she was advocating for One Nation on the campaign trail.
The Premier has called out the slip up as he took his first trip on Labor's campaign bus, promising he had paid for the petrol.
Something worth mentioning that usually gets overlooked.
How does a government suppress a culture or a society?
It neglects or removes the male role models.
They have been doing it for decades.
While Australians argue over money and funding allocations, the ones who are supposed to be the example for the next generation are missing in action.
Through whatever means possible.
The missing tallyboard is the tell.
Male suicide has been at least three quarters of the total every year since 1983. The count is not a COVID blip.
It was 1,658 men in 2005 and 2,529 in 2024, the second highest number on record after 2,546 in 2019.
The rate has sat around 18 to 20 per 100,000 for the decade and a half.
That is about seven men a day, every day, while the press conferences ran a virus tally and then stopped.
No equivalent board went up for the men, the boys, the fathers, brothers and uncles.
A culture that wants a death count watched builds the board.
A culture that can absorb those men leaving does not.
COVID got the daily number because the system wanted a scare tactic.
The tally was the pressure for the jab, an attack by the system itself.
The male deaths get no board because that count does not make anyone bend, they just disappear and they hope we’ll not notice.
The male deaths are treated as weather.
This test case holds in the form that matters. You do not need the headcount of men to fall. You need the men who hold a place to drop out of it - dead, absent, unemployed, or useless as someone a boy copies.
Fifteen years of the same count, with no board, is what that looks like when it has already been accepted.
The black communities are the sharp end of the same method, not a separate story, but it has been on a limited radar for decades longer.
Hundreds of protesters have rallied through Adelaide’s CBD, calling for an end to mass immigration. They argue it is destroying the economy and are calling for the deportation of temporary visa holders. @mjstanley7