If there is one thing I should commend the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the 10th National Assembly for, it should be the passage of the Bill for the establishment of State Policing.
So, it is no longer news that as of yesterday, the Senate passed the Bill into Act to alter the provisions of Sections 214, 215 and 216 of the Constitution to establish State Policing.
Most of you might have been asking:
What is in this amendment that has suddenly made it the talk of the town?
Well, that is exactly what I am here to explain briefly.
The first thing to note is that unlike before, where we had only one Nigeria Police Force, that will no longer be the case.
The Constitution has now been amended to provide for both the Federal Police and State Police respectively. (See Clause 12 of the Bill amending Section 214 of the Constitution.)
But the National Assembly did not stop there.
They understood that a State Police Commissioner would naturally be loyal to the authority that appoints him.
For that reason, the amendment now gives State Governors the power to appoint Commissioners of Police, unlike before when only the Police Service Commission exercised such powers.
However, a Governor cannot simply wake up one morning and appoint a man in uniform as Commissioner of Police just because he likes his face or because he irons his uniform properly.
The amendment clearly states that Governors must first obtain recommendations from the National Police Council before making such appointments.
Even after the appointment, it must still be ratified by a two-thirds majority of the State House of Assembly. (See Clause 17 of the amendment.)
The amendment also addresses another long-standing issue.
Unlike before, when Governors found it difficult to issue directives to Police Commissioners because they were not directly under them, Governors can now issue lawful directives to Commissioners of Police.
However, such directives must strictly relate to the maintenance of public safety and public order within the state. (See Clause 17(6) of the amendment.)
The National Assembly was also aware that giving Governors unchecked powers to direct Commissioners of Police could lead to abuse.
As a safeguard, the amendment provides that where a Commissioner of Police believes that a directive issued by a Governor is unlawful, he can refer the matter to the State Police Service Commission for review. (See Clause 13(5) of the amendment.)
But the National Assembly still did not stop there.
Knowing fully well that some Governors might be tempted to use State Police to witch-hunt political opponents, the amendment expressly bars a State Commissioner of Police from arresting, detaining, investigating, or using force against any person merely for criticizing the government, except in accordance with the law. (See Clause 17(7) of the amendment.)
The National Assembly also tried as much as possible to reserve significant powers for the Federal Government.
As a result, they inserted an interesting provision that allows the Federal Government to intervene in the affairs of a state under certain circumstances.
But before such intervention can happen, one of two conditions must exist:
First, there must be a complete breakdown of law and order within the state which the state is unable to handle.
Or,
The State Governor must have requested such intervention in order to prevent a breakdown of law and order.
Even then, the National Assembly still reserved powers for itself by providing that the Federal Government must seek the approval of the Senate within 48 hours before such intervention can proceed. (See Section 214(10) of the amended Constitution.)
Lastly, an Inspector General of Police or a Commissioner of Police can no longer be removed from office by a President or Governor simply because they woke up on the wrong side of the bed or because they do not like his face.
I am Ekene Aninze Esq.
Dear beloved sports-loving Nigerian youths,
After watching the performances of Davido, Burna Boy, and Rema at the opening of the 2026 World Cup—at a time when Nigeria, the giant of Africa, is absent—I felt a measure of consolation. This was reinforced by the fact that many Nigerians playing for clubs worldwide are representing other countries. Felix Nmecha, for instance, set a record by scoring the fastest goal at six minutes for Germany. I write to you therefore, knowing that this country belongs to you, the youth.
You are more of stakeholders in Nigeria’s future than I am. I am 64 years old; by God’s grace, much of my journey is behind me, while yours lies ahead.
It is therefore imperative that you rise to the challenge by obtaining your PVC, your most powerful tool for driving the change you desire.
In the last three years alone, over 15 million Nigerians have turned 18—enough to decide who becomes President, Governor, Senator, Member of the House, or Local Government Chairman. Indeed, enough to shape the nation’s future.
I know many of you are sceptical about politics and political parties. I understand why, but scepticism must not become surrender.
You do not need to belong to any party or wait for anyone to organise you. Organise yourselves in your streets, campuses, communities, workplaces, churches, mosques, and social groups. Mobilise, debate, demand accountability, and take part in choosing those you wish to entrust with leadership.
If you are organised and wish to hear directly from me, invite me. I will come and share my plans for you and our nation.
Do not sit on the sidelines while others decide your future.
I appeal to you to register and vote. Your vote can shape who becomes the next President of our country.
My young friends, this is your country. Take it back.
A New Nigeria is POssible. -PO
The abduction of the Chibok girls in 2014 triggered a global movement. One school abduction was enough to unite Nigerians, attract international attention, and place enormous pressure on the government through the #BringBackOurGirls campaign.
Yet, what has happened since then should trouble every Nigerian.
Under President Buhari's eight years in office, Nigeria witnessed about ten school abductions. Under President Tinubu's administration, in just three years, we have already recorded over ten school abductions.
Despite these repeated tragedies, there has been neither sustained national outrage nor significant international attention comparable to what followed Chibok.
This raises an important question: have we become so accustomed to insecurity that what once shocked our national conscience is now treated as normal?
At a time when millions of Nigerians are grappling with insecurity, poverty, and hardship, it is deeply troubling that those in power appear more focused on political calculations and preparations for the next election than on addressing the urgent challenges confronting our people.
It is, therefore, no surprise that some observers have labelled us a "Now Disgraced Nation". While we do not agree with any attempt to define our great country by its present difficulties, we must acknowledge that persistent insecurity, economic hardship, and leadership failure have damaged our reputation and standing among nations.
The answer is not denial, propaganda, or political distraction. The answer is leadership that is competent, compassionate, accountable, and genuinely committed to the welfare and security of the Nigerian people.
The Nigerian youth must not become indifferent. We must all refuse to normalise failure.
Young Nigerians - Take back your country!
A New Nigeria is Possible. -PO
Only morally bankrupt people will support Tinuboo's re-election in 2027 judging by the mess we are currently in.
A certified failure ❌❌❌❌❌❌❌❌❌❌❌❌❌❌❌❌❌❌❌❌❌❌
Open Apology Letter to the Obidient Movement
My Dear Obidient Family, I come before you today with a heavy heart, deep humility, and no excuses. Some time ago, in a moment of frustration and immaturity, I wrote and released a resignation letter as Director of Mobilization. In that letter, I allowed deep frustration & personal emotions to cloud my judgment. I made statements that subtly and unnecessarily dragged Peter Obi, a man I still respect for his vision, integrity, and sacrifice for this nation. That was wrong. It was childish, and beneath the standard I should have upheld, especially as someone who once held a leadership position in this movement.
I take full responsibility. No one forced me to write it. No one edited it. It came from me, and it was a mistake. I deleted the letter afterwards, but I know deletion does not erase the damage, the disappointment, or the loss of trust many of you felt. I understand why some of you no longer respect me the way you once did. You had every right to feel let down.
To Peter Obi himself (fondly called PO): Sir, I am sincerely sorry. My words were not a true reflection of the values of sacrifice, accountability, and constructive criticism that you preach. I failed in that moment. To every single Obidient, the ones who stayed grinding, the ones who defended the vision even when it was tough, the ones who felt betrayed by my actions, I am deeply sorry. You are the real heroes of this movement. Many of you are young people full of hope and fire for a better Nigeria. You didn’t deserve to see internal cracks turned into public drama. I let you down.
I am not writing this because I want something or a position in the movement as I’m enjoying private life. I am writing it because it is the right thing to do. Leadership is not only about when the road is sweet and smooth; it is also about owning up when you mess up. I own this fully. I am committed to rebuilding trust through consistent actions, not just words. But I also know trust is not demanded, it is earned back slowly, if at all. Thank you for reading this.
Whether you accept my apology or not, I respect your feelings and your right to hold me accountable. The love I have for a better Nigeria has not changed. You all know me. My respect for the Obidient spirit remains. I am sorry truly.
With humility and hope for forgiveness,
Your brother in this struggle,
Morris Monye.
Oya come let’s hug. 😊