😂 Spot on! Natasha Owens just dropped the ultimate anthem for 2026 with her hilarious new track ‘TDS’ (feat. Alex Stein) 🔥 You tested positive!
Credit to the queen herself @tashaowensmusic — go stream and share this banger! 🇺🇸🎶
Steve Hilton is outraged over what Democrats have done in the Los Angeles mayors race with mail in ballots
“What's happened with Spencer Pratt is a travesty. It is a travesty”
“Los Angeles now, with all the problems that we can all see, in this election is going to have a choice between the obviously incompetent incumbent and an ideological extremist. That is no choice at all. And that situation in Los Angeles points to another major change we need to make, which is to end this ridiculous top-two system in California.”
He’s referring to the Jungle Primary where California takes the top 2 candidates, and not one from each party
Get this,
Democrats have held continuous control of California state government for the entire period since the “jungle primary” system was installed
They have held control of all government branches for 15 years since they enacted this scam
It’s so rigged
My sister lives in Los Angeles.
She's a Democrat but voted for Spencer Pratt.
I was with her when she dropped her ballot in the mail weeks ago.
We checked today and it hasn't been received back.
Are they just TOSSING ballots for Spencer Pratt?
The same Ethno-nationalist Afrikaners who went to war for their people built the United Nations, and established the concept of International Law and Modern Human Rights.
Today, the very institutions they built oppress their descendants.
Watch:
https://t.co/awuyqHAJCE
In response to a parliamentary question I asked, SAPS has confirmed facts that should change the entire firearms debate in South Africa.
Government continues to speak about tightening access to firearms for lawful self-defence. But the real crisis is not responsible citizens applying for licences. The real crisis is the growth of illicit firearm pipelines, and the role that weak state control, poor tracing, corruption and institutional failures play in feeding those pipelines.
The reply reveals three major problems.
First, SAPS says all legal firearms are recorded on the Enhanced Firearm Registration System, the EFRS. But when asked how many recovered firearms with legible serial numbers were not recorded on that system, SAPS said those records are “not available.”
Second, SAPS says it has a firearm tracing protocol. That protocol is supposed to identify the firearm, establish ownership, trace the source, determine where control was lost and track the chain of possession. But when asked how many firearms had their full chain of custody successfully established, SAPS admitted that no national statistics have been gathered.
So the tracing protocol exists on paper, but the national tracing picture does not.
Third, SAPS confirmed that 154 recovered firearms were identified as SAPS firearms, and 205 recovered firearms were identified as belonging to private security companies. That is 359 recovered firearms traced back to state or regulated custodians.
In a separate parliamentary reply, SAPS also confirmed that 741 SAPS-owned firearms were lost or stolen in the 2023/24 financial year. Only 170 had been recovered at the time of the reply. That leaves 571 SAPS firearms from that year alone still unaccounted for.
This points to serious weaknesses in the control environment around firearms. It points to leakage from within the very institutions that are supposed to prevent weapons from entering criminal circulation.
They feed organised crime.
If South Africa is serious about tackling violent crime, then we must be serious about cutting off the supply lines that arm violent criminals.
That means:
•Trace every recovered firearm.
•Build a proper national tracing picture.
•Identify where state control failed.
•Investigate every loss properly.
•Prosecute negligent and corrupt custodians.
•Tighten oversight over SAPS armouries and private security firearms.
•Use intelligence-led policing and prosecution-led investigations to dismantle illicit firearm pipelines.
What we should not do is pretend that lawful self-defence applicants are the core problem while the state itself cannot fully account for its own firearms and cannot provide a national picture of tracing outcomes.
South Africa does not need more symbolic restrictions aimed at responsible citizens while organised crime continues to benefit from weak controls and failed accountability.
The priorities must be clear:
Target illicit firearm pipelines.
Protect lawful self-defence.
Hold the system accountable.
IC
Colonial powers built extensive modern infrastructure in places that had only had hunter-gatherer tribes or rudimentary subsistence agriculture prior to their arrival.
Since their departures, the last of which were about 50 years ago, over $60 billion in development aid has been sent to Africa every year, totaling around $1.5 trillion in foreign aid to the continent.
Huge amounts of that money are lost to waste and graft. Infrastructure that is built by international groups in Africa is rarely maintained and is often stripped and looted for scrap.
In 1960, South Korea was basically Gaza; razed by war with a GDP per-capita lower than that of Ethiopia. Today, South Korea’s GDP per capita is five times higher than that of South Africa, the richest Subsaharan country, and about 30 times Nigeria’s.
You can’t blame colonialism for everything forever. At some point, Africa has to take responsibility for its own failures.
I agree with Trevor Noah’s analysis of the immigration debate in South Africa, and I also agree with Julius Malema’s noble desire for Africa to be one.
From the outset, I must be clear that the biggest obstacle to African unity has been African leadership. Some of our countries have been independent for more than 60 years, yet we are still far from achieving the level of integration many Pan-Africanists envisioned. The failure to get there is fundamentally a leadership issue.
I want to focus on what Julius Malema has said. He is one of the continent’s most outspoken Pan-Africanists, and his vision of a more united Africa is both admirable and inspiring. Unfortunately, because of the dysfunctionality of leadership across much of the continent, Pan-Africanism has, in some circles in South Africa, become a dirty word.
That is a tragedy because the principle itself is not the problem. The problem is that many African leaders have failed to create the political, economic, and institutional conditions necessary to make that vision a reality.
So let us look carefully at what Julius Malema is saying.
I have great respect for Julius Malema when it comes to his Pan-African outlook, but I am afraid to say that the idea of an Africa with one passport, one currency, and a fully integrated political and economic system is unlikely to happen within our lifetime.
It is good to dream and to idealise the kind of Africa we would like to see, but in its current political and economic format, the continent is nowhere near achieving that goal. I am 55 years old, so when I talk about a lifetime, I am talking about the next 25 years. If I live to 80, that would be wonderful, but I do not believe Africa will achieve that level of integration within that timeframe.
The reason is quite simple. If you look at the European Union, countries do not simply join because they want to. They must first meet a long list of requirements and benchmarks. These include economic standards, institutional capacity, governance standards, judicial independence, and human rights protections.
Even if we set aside the human rights question in Africa, because we know that remains a long journey, the economic question alone presents a major obstacle. A truly united continent can only emerge if its member states are led by competent, educated, and trustworthy leaders who build functioning economies capable of providing opportunities for their own citizens.
The current xenophobic, Afrophobic, and anti-immigration discourse taking place in South Africa is often crude and sometimes ugly. However, stripped of the crudeness, there is an important point being raised that cannot simply be ignored. For Africans to unite successfully, they cannot first unite in one country. They must first unite across the continent by creating broadly comparable economic opportunities and living standards.
For example, a Ghanaian should be able to travel to Zimbabwe visa-free. That is largely a political decision. But if that Ghanaian wants to relocate permanently to Zimbabwe, then the economies of Ghana and Zimbabwe should have a reasonable degree of parity. People should not be compelled to migrate primarily because one country is functioning while another is failing.
The same applies across the continent. Someone should not feel forced to leave the Democratic Republic of Congo for South Africa purely because of economic collapse at home. If integration is driven solely by economics, then the countries that are relatively well managed will inevitably carry the burden of those that are not.
This is an intellectual discussion that Africa cannot avoid.
Resource competition is often what inflames tensions. If someone moves from a poor community in Mozambique to a poor community in South Africa, both groups are competing for the same clinics, schools, housing, jobs, and social services. That is where tensions arise.
Interestingly, illegal immigrants from Europe are rarely part of the immigration debate in South Africa. Many people immediately attribute this to race, but there is another factor that deserves consideration. Wealthy immigrants generally live in affluent communities where there is little or no competition for scarce public resources.
Take Chatunga Mugabe, for example. He lived in Hyde Park, drove expensive cars, and socialised in Sandton. Nobody was concerned about his immigration status. Likewise, where I live in South Africa, there are immigrants from the United Kingdom, Spain, Germany, Kenya, and elsewhere. They are largely affluent people. The South Africans living there are often excited when newcomers arrive. When I moved from Zimbabwe and bought a house on my road, both black and white South Africans invited me into their homes for dinner and wine. There was no hostility because there was no competition for resources. That reality matters.
If Africa is ever going to have one passport and one currency, we must first deal with the economic fundamentals. Most Africans do not realise that this is not primarily a political project. It is an economic one.
Turkey, for example, has spent decades seeking membership of the European Union but has not been admitted because it has not met all the requirements. Countries such as Bulgaria and Romania had to meet strict standards before joining. Their judicial systems, governance structures, healthcare systems, and institutions had to reach certain benchmarks. The same logic applies to Africa.
If every African citizen were suddenly free to seek healthcare anywhere on the continent, countries with stronger healthcare systems such as South Africa, Botswana, and Namibia would immediately face enormous pressure from people seeking treatment, including specialised care for conditions such as cancer.
That is why this discussion is important. We must have it honestly and without slogans. We must discuss it not only in universities and intellectual circles but also in townships, villages, and communities across Africa.
The dream of one Africa is a noble one. I support it. But before we get there, we must first address the economic, institutional, and governance realities that stand in the way. Until those challenges are resolved, the vision Julius Malema speaks about will remain an aspiration rather than a practical reality.
The tragedy we face today is that we are focusing on the sideshows created by tribalists and rogue political actors who are taking advantage of a genuine problem that exists in South Africa and, indeed, in other parts of Africa as well. We amplify their voices and focus on what they are saying instead of focusing on the real issue.
We should be asking ourselves a simple question. Julius Malema is right about the ideal he is advocating, but why are we not getting to where he wants us to get? Once we ask that question honestly, we are forced to examine the root causes.
There can be no economic harmony, political harmony, or any other form of harmony between countries that are operating at vastly different levels of development and functionality. Take Zimbabwe and South Africa as an example.
Zimbabwe has not had a working radiotherapy machine in its public healthcare system for more than four years. The country’s largest hospital has only one maternity theatre, built in 1977. Then look at South Africa. Its public healthcare system has some problems and could be much better, but by African standards it remains among the most advanced on the continent.
If those two countries stand side by side, as they physically do, how do you integrate them when one is dysfunctional and the other remains a functioning state? These are the root causes we need to confront.
This discussion must be held in a comprehensive and honest manner, not in fragments. We can speak about the noble aspirations of Pan-Africanism, and we can also discuss the obstacles that stand in its way. Both conversations must be held together. Only then can we identify what needs to be done and begin serious scenario planning around how to get there.
Instead, we often get beautiful speeches delivered at the African Union, one of the most ineffective continental organisations in the world. People make grand declarations, earn generous salaries, and then nothing happens. Great speeches have been delivered since the days of the Organisation of African Unity. One of those speeches was even immortalised by Bob Marley in his song War. Yet more than 60 years later, many of the same challenges remain unresolved.
That is an indictment not only of African leaders but also of African elites. Too many are content to make money while ignoring the underlying governance failures that hold the continent back.
Consider Aliko Dangote, the richest black man in the world and Africa’s most successful entrepreneur. He requires 34 visas to enter dozens of African countries. Yet if I hold a British passport, my movement across much of Africa can often be easier than his. How can Africa speak seriously about integration when one of its own leading business figures faces such barriers within the continent?
Until influential African business leaders such as Aliko Dangote, Strive Masiyiwa, Patrice Motsepe, and others begin speaking more forcefully about governance, corruption, economic mismanagement, and state dysfunction, progress will remain slow. As long as these issues are accommodated because money can still be made, Africa will continue to talk about unity without creating the conditions necessary to achieve it.
So, back in the townships of South Africa, there is a crisis.
I have always said that Zimbabwe is no longer a foreign policy issue. It is a domestic issue because the South African government must deal with its consequences in hospitals, social services, employment, housing, education, and many other facets of daily life.
If the South African government does not have the courage to stand up to leaders such as Emmerson Mnangagwa and Mozambique’s President, Daniel Chapo, and say, “The way you are running your economies is creating problems for us,” then the situation will continue to deteriorate.
The tragedy is that it is always the poor, the ordinary, and those living in abject poverty who end up fighting amongst themselves. Yet the root causes of these tensions are often created at the highest levels of political leadership.
The people competing for jobs, housing, healthcare, and other scarce resources did not create the conditions that led to mass migration. Those conditions were created by policy failures, corruption, poor governance, and economic mismanagement.
I would go even further and say that this is also an indictment of South African leadership. SADC already has protocols, principles, and governance frameworks that were specifically designed to prevent member states from becoming dysfunctional and destabilising their neighbours. The problem is not the absence of rules. The problem is the absence of enforcement.
Those protocols exist on paper, but too often they are ignored in practice. When governance standards are violated, when economies collapse, when democratic institutions are weakened, and when corruption flourishes, there is rarely any meaningful consequence from the region.
As a result, the effects spill across borders and eventually become someone else’s problem.
That is why the immigration debate cannot be separated from the governance debate. They are two sides of the same coin. If African leaders are serious about reducing migration pressures, they must first address the political and economic failures that are pushing people to leave their countries in the first place.
We all know why that conversation is avoided.
So, coming back to Trevor Noah’s analogy, it is ultimately a human analogy. It reflects a reality that has existed throughout history and even in nature itself.
If lions have abundant access to zebras and other prey, there is very little competition between lions, leopards, and other predators. But when food becomes scarce, competition intensifies. The struggle is no longer about identity. It becomes a struggle over limited resources.
The same principle applies in human societies. When jobs are plentiful, when healthcare functions, when housing is available, and when opportunities are expanding, people are generally more tolerant and welcoming. But the moment resources become scarce, tensions rise. People begin competing for the same opportunities, and that competition often manifests itself through politics, nationalism, tribalism, xenophobia, or other forms of social conflict.
This is not unique to South Africa. It is not unique to Africa. It is part of the human condition.
In many ways, what we are witnessing is both a human story and an animal kingdom story. The underlying dynamic is remarkably similar. Scarcity creates competition. Competition creates tension. Tension creates conflict.
That is why discussions about immigration cannot be separated from discussions about governance, economic growth, service delivery, and opportunity. If we focus only on the symptoms while ignoring the underlying causes, we will never solve the problem.
The real challenge is not merely getting people to live together. The real challenge is creating societies and economies that produce enough opportunity for people to live together peacefully.
🚨JUST IN: Canada just criminalized the Bible. Bill C-9 has passed the Senate, removing key religious protections and opening the door for Scripture to be treated as “hate speech.”
Quoting the Bible on marriage, sin, or God’s design for sexuality can now lead to prosecution for “willful promotion of hatred.”
This is a direct attack on Christianity and religious freedom in Canada.
Brothers and sisters — the time to stand is now.
Pray for Canada. Speak the truth boldly. Defend the Gospel while we still can.
@capeandcowell@TMZ They decided to make their decision public. My views don't matter, but you can't say you're vegan and expect meat lovers to like you.
Liberal poll workers deny a man a ballot for wearing a MAGA hat! Fun fact: YOU CAN WEAR ANYTHING YOU WANT, AND THEY CANNOT DENY YOU A BALLOT!!! It’s a violation of your civil and constitutional rights!
Why did the Obama Admin struggle so much with such a simple project? They spent 2 years and $34 million on it and within days of completion, the pool was not reflecting anymore.
"It's disgusting."
"It smells like wet dog.