@Sikali_M@daddyhope Who is bankrolling march on March if you were fighting your govt you were supposed to march at Union building and at home affairs not looting foreign owned small businesses
@Fit_Mandisa Well the difference is that you're in a foreign country in a foreign continent what is currently happening in South Africa is mob justice against foreign nationals who are black we call it afrofobia please don't compare oranges with lemons
@Markosonke1@uMkhontoWesizw Very few people have access to funding it is the elites who access pension funds even trade unions do not want to take the risk it's likely big business is funding the chaos to fend off the pressure on them
@Markosonke1@uMkhontoWesizw Right now the Chinese are taking over the entire real estate business because of funding whilst you are busy threatening spaza shop owners other races say blacks are lazy thinkers how can people be mobilised so easily for such a dump cause
Today, the 13th of April 2026, the Zimbabwe Council of Churches (ZCC) formally submitted its Statement of Inputs to Parliament on the Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment Bill No. 3 (2026). The ZCC, representing 32 member denominations with a reach of at least 3 million citizens, opposes the Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment Bill No. 3 (2026) because of the potential harm it causes to the nation and the legacy of our current President. The ZCC, acting as a Watchman (Ezekiel 3:17) a role that compels the Church to speak when it sees the nation walking toward harm and after prayerful reflection and stakeholder consultation: Our general recommendations are as follows
1.Withdraw or substantially revise the Bill: The amendments in their current form are constitutionally, morally, and democratically compromised.
2.Establish an Independent Constitution Amendment Commission: Amendments of this nature require a dedicated, independent commission mandated to undertake broad, meaningful consultations rooted in the will of the people, free from the conflict of interest that arises when the institutions advancing the Bill are its direct beneficiaries.
3.If the Bill proceeds in its current form, a national referendum is mandatory: The Bill fundamentally alters the 2013 Constitution and provides for term extensions benefiting current incumbents. This requires direct citizen consent - not parliamentary approval by those who benefit from it.
#ConversationsOfHope
I think this is the part @nickmangwana is only realising now and he is waking up too late.
1. Firstly let it be known that amendments 1 and 2 were both challenged and case is before court when you quote s180 refer to the correct s180 that went to referendum do not refer to the dubious s180 you made under musasa tree.
2. Next part is s162 says Authority is vested in "court" not "judge". While composition of a court has strong bearing on the legitimacy of the court but irregular appointments of judge of a court will only stand relevant to litigants and binding effect
3. To track judicial authority of Zimbabwe you do not start at s180 appointment of judges, whether we refer to our agreed 2013 constitution's s180 or your version. The starting point is Sixth Schedule.
4. In paragraph 2 it states that Sixth Schedule prevails over any other provision of constitution.
5. Paragraph 3 set starting points of flow of authority of every item.
6. On jurisdiction only- paragraph 3(1)(f) gave authority by direct authority of people of Zimbabwe jurisdiction of constitutional court in chapter 8 to a temporary constitutional court in paragraph 18(2) before all provision of chapter 8 became effective and
7. By paragraph 18(5) the Supreme court/ High Court as they were constituted under fomer constitution were directly authorised by us to reconstitute as such before the whole constitution became effective.
8. Magistrates courts were directly authorised to continue as such by paragraph 18(7) and
9. Constitutional cases were addressed by paragraph 18(8) and all other cases by 18(9).
10. The judges who were serving under former constitution in their capacities as public officers were directly allowed to continue under new constitution as directly dictated by paragraph 13 of Sixth Schedule.
11. The temporary constitutional court that was given 7 years by us received the authority directly from us.
12. In that case it must be clear that at no time a matter in judiciary, from jurisdiction, authority of court, tenure of judges, to authority judgements ever been delegated to Parliament or President but direct flow
16. Now when you read our s180 as we voted for it, it is critical that you first look at the Judicial Service commission as comprising of people who acquired the judicial authority of Zimbabwe as in sixth Schedule first and not as political puppets we see in office.
17. There was a Chief Justice who was a judge of Supreme Court by appointment as s84 of former constitution states and in terms of paragraph 18(2) of Sixth Schedule he would need a bench of 9 judges who will be having jurisdiction of constitutional court for 7 years from publication date, NOTWSTANDING s166. This again was direct from us.
18. If a vacancy was to arise in this paragraph 18(2) of Sixth Schedule then by paragraph 18(3) another judge of Supreme Court will replace the post- again this is by our direct instruction.
19. Now in 2017 Chief Justice Chidyausiku retired while s180 as was published on 20 May 2013 was still intact.
20. Interviews were called to fill the vacancy of a Chief Justice of paragraph 18(2) of Sixth Schedule constitutional court and as was required by paragraph 18(3) of Sixth Schedule, only a judge of Supreme court could fill the vacancy and as dictated by original s180, and in terms of original s180 (2)- post was not only advertised but we were invited to directly- not through a representative, nominate a candidate- direct participation.
21. From the nominated candidates, public would still have right and opportunity to participate in public interview of candidates as conducted by independent commission of people with judicial authority of Zimbabwe.
22. How then can you say judges are appointed without us. It is this stupid amendment which is already challenged and of no force that believe you can have a s166 constitutional court bench with judges appointed without people of Zimbabwe then have judicial authority.
23. It is only you who think we have no issues over the judicial authority.
24. I am not shy to say that on 14 May 2026 midnight- 00:00:00hrs the whole fake constitutional court bench with Supreme court judges of former constitution will just collapse without anyone to save it and we will all be on square zero.
25. Paragraph 13 of Sixth Schedule by being a Sixth Schedule provision then by paragraph 2 of Sixth Schedule it prevails over all other provisions of constitution in that all the judges masquerading as s166 constitutional court judges are judges who continued a tenure from s66 of former constitution by direct dictate of paragraph 13 of Sixth Schedule which require them to continue to serve as such under new constitution until they retire as such.
26. To qualify as a s166 constitutional court judge, whether as Acting or substantive judge, in terms of s177(1)(a) you are not suppose to be a "judge" . The clause say "has been a judge" which is a clear distinction with sections 178(1)(a) and 179(1)(a) which allow someone who "is a judge" to be appointed a judge.
27. The appointment into a s166 constitutional court is on a separate tenure in our original s186 of new constitution.
28. I laughed lungs out when Bharat Patel the author of illegitimate judgement Mupungu judgement also extended his tenure of s84 of former constitution then want to tell people he is a s166 constitutional court judge- bloody thief.
29. We have principle of separation of powers in S3(2)(e) and it is binding on all organs of state. The President was given Executive authority only and Parliament is part of legislative authority only and non of the two has judicial authority of Zimbabwe and by mere amending s180 or 186 you cannot confer judicial authority of Zimbabwe to any by appointing judges without people of Zimbabwe's nomination or involvement.
30. While the nation was fooled to believe Malaba's tenure was extended by reference to any law, not everyone was foolish and stupid to believe that nonsense. Decisions were made and decision options were calculated and the best option that wipe everything was made.
31. I do not need better words to say but believe me. ZANU is gone for good
π§ππ₯π ππ«π§ππ‘π¦ππ’π‘ πππ¦π§π₯π’π¬ππ‘π π π‘ππ‘ππππͺπβπ¦ ππππππ¬ πππ§ππ₯ ππ π£π₯π’π ππ¦ππ π§π’ π¦π§ππ£ ππ’πͺπ‘.
By President Mnangagwa letting his supporters try to extend his term limit through violence and persecution of those who donβt support his term extension, after saying that he is a constitutionalist who will step down when the time is right, in 2024, he is staining his own legacy as it now seems that like he is another power hungry President who doesnβt want to leave power. #CAB3 #NoToCAB3
Calling all young and conscious people of our lovingly motherland Zimbabwe πΏπΌ, this Easter holiday you know the message #BoycottChickenInn#BoycottChickenSlice. Let's make them trend.
Mr Gapa embarrassed his whole family yesterday after grabbing @DougColtartβs phone in broad daylight. He has since officially earned himself the title NATIONAL THIEF. We will not stop talking about him until the police apprehends him. REPOSTβΌοΈ @PoliceZimbabwe
This is Luckmore Tinashe Gapa; A ZanuPF central committee member who stole Doug Coltarts phone to prevent footage of Zanu's behaviour at the Constitutional Amendment parliamentary "consultation" going public. These are Mnangagwa's people
Please retweet and make this thug famous!