Jeka bridge still a death trap despite $42m budget - villagers risk lives crossing log bridge built with massive funds. The condition of the Jeka Bridge in Mberenngwa, as of May 7, 2025, sharply contrasts with the significant funds allocated for its construction.@daddyhope
🔸Good day @nickmangwana,
Which member of the delegation that received President @CyrilRamaphosa at the weekend is wanted by law enforcement in South Africa? What is the said person alleged to have done? Are our own law enforcement agents investigating the issue?
Why was such a person allowed to be part of the infamous delegation? Who was responsible for failing to vet the delegation and embarrassing another head of state?
Will the Govt of Zimbabwe hand over the alleged person of interest to the South African Govt in the spirit of mutual assistance as alleged by the South African representative in this video?
We need new leaders.🇿🇼
The Justice Uchena Commission of Inquiry into the Matter of Sale of State Land in and Around Urban Areas Since 2005 summary presentation has been released and its findings are shocking! The report is yet to be released after a court ordered its immediate release.
The summary presentation says the Zimbabwean State lost almost US$3 billion through unpaid intrinsic land value, with the exact prejudice put at US$2,977,072,819 according to the report.
The twenty two page summary also says many people were settled on urban state land without basic services like clean water, sewer systems and roads. Some houses were built on wetlands, under power lines, over sewer lines, and on land meant for schools, clinics and public facilities.
The summary also points to political abuse, land barons, illegal sales of state land, weak government controls, poor record keeping, undervaluation of land, corruption, and politically connected individuals using names of top ruling party leaders to influence government processes.
Another major hazardous issue is the public health risk. Pit latrines were built close to water sources, creating a danger of underground water pollution and outbreaks of cholera and typhoid.
The summary shows massive corruption, political interference, institutional failure, illegal land sales, poor urban planning, and a huge financial loss to the State and people of Zimbabwe.
It took a High Court application and years of pressure before President Emmerson Mnangagwa was ordered to release the Uchena Report into the looting of state land. It is yet to be released. The fact that citizens had to go to court to force the publication of a report commissioned by the President himself says everything about how politically sensitive the findings were.
Please find the twenty two page summary via my Telegram link👉🏿 https://t.co/f3TcNRwoAl
South Africa 🇿🇦 is blessed to have this man as their child. @Julius_S_Malema is walking in the footsteps of great leaders like Kwame Nkrumah, Muammar Gadaffi, Robert Mugabe, Samora Machel, Winnie Mandela, Chris Hani, Robert Sobukwe, Steve Biko, Ambuya Nehanda
I refuse to take a machete and kill my own people.
They have done nothing wrong to me. They didn't take land from me.
They don't own economy.
Africa is my home
🔸Nobody chooses to be cooking sadza for sale in the CBD in the middle of the night. Nobody chooses poverty. Nobody chooses to live in a broken society.
In a nation where @ZANUPF_Official has destroyed the economy, killed jobs, loots over US$2 billion a year, siphons gold out of the country, spits on the faces of the masses daily, flaunts ill-gotten wealth and fails to provide basic services - you think the problem is the man cooking sadza in the middle of the street?
He’s not.
That man represents what this regime has reduced all of us to - a leaderless, impoverished, desperate population without dignity and robbed of hope.
You can sweep him off Harare’s CBD like garbage but the dirt of our collective despair will not go away until the goons are gone.
We need new leaders.🇿🇼
Armed men accompanied by the Zimbabwean police forced their way into the offices of Prof Lovemore Madhuku’s political party, violently interrupting a meeting and attacking several participants, among them the constitutional lawyer, Prof Lovemore Madhuku.
This attack is deeply troubling for Zimbabwe as it reflects a dangerous erosion of democratic space and shows that even lawful constitutional engagement is no longer safe from intimidation and violence.
When armed individuals can storm a civic and political meeting with apparent impunity, it casts serious doubt on the state of the rule of law and the security of citizens exercising their constitutional rights.
Prof Madhuku is opposed to Constitutional Amendment No. 3, which seeks to extend President Mnangagwa’s term of office and change the presidential term from five to seven years. He has an active case before the Constitutional Court challenging this process.
Targeting him, as the state has now effectively done, sends a deeply disturbing message that this amendment will not be handled through open, democratic engagement where citizens are free to oppose or support it without fear.
When a constitutional lawyer with a matter before the highest court is assaulted and intimidated, it undermines the integrity of the judicial process itself. It shows that power is being asserted through coercion rather than constitutionalism.
Instead of allowing robust debate and lawful challenge, the authorities appear to be repeating the very mistakes that have, in the past, drawn damaging international scrutiny and weakened the country’s global standing.
Heavy handed tactics do not silence controversy, they amplify it. If this process continues in this manner, it will inevitably attract serious international attention and further erode confidence in Zimbabwe’s commitment to the rule of law and democratic governance.
These violent attacks even make it difficult for those who were supporting the amendment to continue doing so publicly, because they expose the reality that this process is not being advanced on the basis of legal principle or genuine constitutional reform.
Instead, it increasingly appears to be driven by intimidation, violence and repression aimed at forcing citizens into submission without honest, open debate.
When support for a constitutional amendment must be sustained through fear rather than persuasion, the legitimacy of that amendment is already compromised. A constitutional change of this magnitude should stand on the strength of its arguments, not on the silencing of critics.
Resorting to coercion does not strengthen the case for reform, it weakens it and deepens national division. If a constitution must be amended at gunpoint, then it is no longer reform, it is a declaration that power fears the very people it claims to represent. You don’t win hearts and minds through violence, you do so through engagement!
"If you go to Kenya, South Africa Zambia etc you find former presidents there" - Prof Madhuku bashes Mnangagwa and ZANU PF over 2030 proposal.
So if the next president has plans that need 4 more years to execute the term changes to 9 years after a 5year term?
Madhuku says "no good president wants to die in power." It is when your CV top list is filled with corruption, nepotism, bad governance, human rights abuses and underdevelopment one wants to stay beyond constitutional limits.
🔸In the proposed Constitutional amendments, Zanu PF wants to allow the unelected President to appoint ten extra senators.
⛔️Why are we adding more people to an already bloated Parliament?
⛔️Why must the President have a pool of ten more unelected people to create his Cabinet from?
⛔️Why must we run the risk of having an unelected President and a Cabinet of unelected goons? Why must we have to suffer them for a long 7 year period? What happens if these unelected persons act in a manner we do not agree with? How will they be removed?
⛔️What safeguards exist to limit the potential for abuse of power by the unelected President?
It’s a mess.
We need new leaders.🇿🇼
#HandsOffOurConstitution
ZANU PF is not seeking to amend the constitution; it is attempting to introduce an entirely new constitution outside people participation and a referendum; a step it plainly has no right to take. The reasons are these:
1. A constitution is enacted by the people as a whole, not by a single political party or faction.
2. Parliament’s law‑making power is confined to legislating for the peace, order, and good governance of the country. Replacing the constitution exceeds that mandate and undermines this constitutional principle.
3. ZANU PF is governing on a contested mandate following the disputed 2023 elections. Even then, it failed to garner a two thirds majority. It therefore lacks the legitimate popular authority to impose a new constitution unilaterally. In fact, the minister under whose hand this affront is being engineered lost his party’s internal elections. He has no moral authority to talk about the will of the people, let alone constitutionally legislate in its purported defence.
4. Fundamental constitutional change requires broad, inclusive national consensus. Attempting to substitute a constitution through partisan processes would violate the principles of legitimacy and popular sovereignty.
5. ZANU PF is not even acting on the authority of its highest decision making body, the Congress. Conference is not Congress.