‘Gave a Silver Shila Weighing 500 Grams, Never Got a Receipt’: Mahant Bal Yogi Ramdas Slams Ram Mandir Trust @akanksha_kumar3 https://t.co/1EOyJFz7AX via @thewire_In
प्रतापगढ़ के रहने वाले स्वतंत्र टिप्पणीकार आलोक त्रिपाठी ने @INCIndia सांसद @ShayarImran की तीखी आलोचना की है। आलोक का कहना है कि @RahulGandhi@priyankagandhi को भी इसका संज्ञान लेना चाहिए कि उनकी पार्टी ने जिन्हें सांसद बनाया है, ग्राउंड पर उनकी कोई पकड़ ही नहीं है। खैर! आलोक को सुनिए!
It was @yadavakhilesh who first brought to light the Ram temple donation theft. Noida channels had lashed out at him then and his daughter was targeted. It was @upadhyayabhii who doggedly followed the story & made the biggest revelations. Noida channels are irrelevant now.
प्रतापगंज, सुपौल (बिहार) | 3 जुलाई: गोमांस ले जाने के आरोप में एक बुजुर्ग मुस्लिम व्यक्ति को कुछ स्थानीय लोगों ने रोक लिया। आरोप है कि उनके साथ बदसलूकी की गई और जूतों-चप्पलों की माला पहनाकर सार्वजनिक रूप से अपमानित किया गया।
.@diljitdosanjh की फिल्म #Satluj को OTT प्लेटफॉर्म ZEE 5 से अचानक क्यों हटाया गया ?
जसवंत सिंह खालड़ा कौन हैं ? उनकी क्या कहानी है ? पुलिस वालों ने उनकी हत्या क्यों कर दी थी ?
पूरी कहानी मेरे यूट्यूब पर
Beyond the call of duty, Mumbai Mayor made a heroic effort to rescue people stranded along the sea front. Cop holding an umbrella is basically Mithun Chakraborty in one of his movies, where he uses a bicycle as a makeshift shield during a gun battle.
हद हैं एक फ़िल्म को लेकर इतनी समस्या हो जा रही है।जिसने भी देखा है इस फ़िल्म की तारीफ की है। वापस दिखाई जानी चाहिए। अगर दानपात्र का कोई सीन है तो वो बस काट लीजिए।
RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat says, People from all five continents asks, "Will you, the people of the Sangh, train us so that we can provide similar training to the youth of our own countries?"
बहुत सही तथ्यात्मक।आमतौर पर हर मुस्लिम शासक को मुगल माना जाता है।जबकि पहला मुस्लिम हमलावर मुहम्मद बिन क़ासिम अरब था।बाबर ने दिल्ली को इब्राहिम लोदी से जीता था किसी हिंदू राजा से नहीं।उसके पहले ऐबक से लेकर लोदी तक सब ग़ैर मुगल थे।वैसे इतिहास में कई ग़ैर मुस्लिमों ने भी मंदिर लूटे।
Mr. @prasoonjoshi_
Can you please enlighten us on why 127 cuts were recommended for the film Panjab '95?
The same film, now renamed ‘Satluj’, has been taken down from an OTT platform in less than two days. The CBFC has no jurisdiction over OTT platforms or international releases.
Panjab '95 tells the story of Jaswant Singh Khalra, a man who exposed documented human rights abuses and paid for it with his life. If a film based on documented facts cannot be seen by Indian audiences, then the public deserves to know why.
This sends a very direct message to filmmakers and production companies: if you're paying homage to a great personality from a minority community, you'll have to face the CBFC.
Journalists should be asking the people running this censor board some hard questions. Why are some politically insensitive films able to pass with ease while others spend years in limbo?
A red carpet for Kashmir Files, Bengal Files, and Kerala Story. Roses for Dhurandar 1 & 2, a fictional documentary/explainer for the unthinkable and the unexplainable.
How does it feel to feast on four years of a director's career?
In Nehru's India, this would have been litigated in court. If filmmakers cannot tell the stories of people who stood up for justice without years of obstruction, what kind of cinema are we encouraging them to make?
Jaswant Singh Khalra Abducted again,
This time by the CBFC
The devaluation done by Indian foreign office itself by declaring that passport is not equal to citizenship. Presumably foreign missions would be issuing visas to people who may or may not be Indian citizens. Pretty pathetic loops we are in.
पश्चिम बंगाल के दक्षिण 24 परगना ज़िले के बारुईपुर इलाके से एक दिल दहला देने वाली घटना सामने आई है। शनिवार शाम 12 वर्षीय एक मुस्लिम बच्ची घर से कुछ सामान लेने निकली थी, लेकिन वापस नहीं लौटी। रविवार सुबह उसका शव घर के पास एक तालाब से बरामद हुआ।
परिजनों का आरोप है कि चार लोगों ने बच्ची का अपहरण किया और उसके साथ सामूहिक दुष्कर्म के बाद हत्या कर शव तालाब में फेंक दिया गया।
रिपोर्ट्स के मुताबिक, पुलिस ने इस मामले में अब तक शांतनु मंडल समेत दो आरोपियों को गिरफ्तार किया है। शांतनु मंडल को स्थानीय स्तर पर भाजपा से जुड़ा बताया जा रहा है, हालांकि इसकी आधिकारिक पुष्टि नहीं हुई है।
मीडिया रिपोर्ट्स के अनुसार, मामले के एक अन्य आरोपी इंद्रजीत तांती की कथित तौर पर गुस्साई भीड़ ने पीट-पीटकर हत्या कर दी। पुलिस अन्य आरोपियों की तलाश में जुटी है और मामले की जांच जारी है।
ये अनुकल्प मिश्रा है, राम मंदिर चढ़ावा चोरी में पकड़ा गया है.
अब खबर है कि अनुकल्प मिश्रा अपने गांव के पास 20 बीघा जमीन खरीदने की तैयारी कर रहा था.
जमीन का सौदा करीब 2 करोड़ रुपए में तय था, लेकिन इसी दौरान चढ़ावा चोरी का मामला उजागर हो गया.
अनुकल्प की सैलरी सिर्फ 14 हजार थी.
अनुकल्प एक स्कॉर्पियो निकलवाने का भी प्लान कर रहा था. बाकी अनुकल्प के रिश्तेदार लवकुश का बड़ा सा मकान अपने देखा ही था.
Bhai Hartosh,
I share your politics, and I am the last person to pull down someone on my own side. You open your piece on KPS Gill by admitting you cannot be unbiased. I respect the honesty.
But bhai, admitting you are the nephew is not the same as admitting where your evidence comes from. And your evidence has a problem you never mention.
Your table comes from the Institute for Conflict Management. Your key text, quoted at length and recommended to readers in its entirety, is Gill's own essay, Endgame in Punjab, published on https://t.co/EVbRVIWIyT, the website of that same institute.
The Institute for Conflict Management is your Mama's baby. He founded it. Who do you think we are?
You accuse Human Rights Watch of quoting Gill out of context, and your correction is what? Quoting Gill more fully, from Gill's own website, backed by Gill's own institute's numbers.
You told us you were the nephew. You did not tell us the data was the uncle's.
Second, Ribeiro. You dismiss Julio Ribeiro as a liberal favourite because he speaks against Modi today. Fine.
But you never mention that Gill was appointed Security Advisor to Chief Minister Narendra Modi in May 2002, right after Godhra, and later publicly defended Modi by putting the blame for the riots on the police and not on the political leadership.
If speaking about Modi today counts against Ribeiro, then working for Modi counts against your Mama. You cannot run the test on one man and give the other a pass.
Third, the cremations. You call the figure of 25,000 disappearances a fabrication, and on the data you may even be right.
But look at what your own correction concedes: roughly 7,650 unidentified cremations over eleven years. Your calculation, not mine.
Then you compare this to peacetime NCRB figures on unclaimed bodies. A beggar who dies on a railway platform and a man picked up from his home by the police; for you these are the same category of corpse?
Your whole NCRB comparison rests on one assumption: that the label "unidentified" was honest. That is exactly the assumption this case destroyed.
We saw it as recently as Covid. The Indian state does not hide bodies, it renames them on paper. That is why the world's excess-mortality estimates were many multiples of our official count. This is not hard to do in India today. In the 80s and 90s it was even easier.
And in Punjab it was not a suspicion, it was the finding. Executions were logged as encounters. Custody deaths were logged as escapes. The murdered were registered as unclaimed. You are citing the register to defend the man, when the register itself was the weapon.
And what sits under that register is not in dispute. The CBI confirmed 2,097 secret cremations at just three grounds in one district, and cremation workers testified that multiple bodies were often burned on firewood meant for one.
The Supreme Court called it a flagrant violation of human rights on a mass scale.
The NHRC identified 1,513 of those bodies and compensated their families, including 195 people who were in police custody immediately before they died.
Jaswant Singh Khalra, who found these bodies in the firewood registers, was abducted by the Punjab police and killed for it.
The Supreme Court upheld life sentences for the officers who did it. Not one of these facts appears in your article. Not one.
Your table of monthly killings does not answer any of this, because the charge against Gill was never the maths of the body count. It was what the state did in the dark, under his command. It was what he did in the shadows of bureaucratic cover.
And you know it. You write that accusations of custodial torture in Punjab are likely true, and that such excesses were just ordinary Indian policing. Read that sentence again, bhai.
You have admitted the torture. And your defence is that it happens everywhere. That is not a defence. That is a confession.
CONT+