@CucsmanE The first man to have a Damascus never talked about his past than the encounter, I am afraid you had a Hopewell 🤣🤣🤣. Paul doesn't talk too much Judaism after Damascus.
Millions of Zimbabweans who continue to identify with Nelson Chamisa are not necessarily hypnotised, stupid or incapable of recognising his shortcomings. They simply have not been shown something they consider better.
That is the burden of politics.
You don’t win a girl by camping outside her house shouting that her boyfriend is useless. You show her why you are the better man. Obsessively attacking your rival merely advertises your insecurity.
Until then, tichambomhanya hedu nemukomana!
So why did you then walk out and tell young people that UNOMUFIRA & IBHIZA when you were experiencing something different? That places you in the same list as people like Hopewell and all those MDC comrades who say Chamisa was running a one-man show, yet they occupied positions and endorsed him. You will be the hardest to trust. You are always changing. That’s why everything else you form or support struggles to stand, because you take six positions in less than one year.
But what’s delusional about telling those you lead about the unveiling of your plans and tactics in a time soon to come? I think the delusional ones are those who don’t support a person, yet think him speaking about his plans is delusional. Why do you focus on the tactics of a leader you don’t support? I think that’s the most delusional thing on earth. But, as always, the delusional thinks another is.
@advocatemahere On point. I fact ndatobuda mumusangano wemagaffa and the resolution is the to bring ma HONDA fit for the teteatete , in solidarity with the GAFFA - Against materialism and consumerism!
You risk normalising repression by treating it as something so predictable that it no longer deserves condemnation. The fact that ZANU-PF has used repression for decades is precisely why every violation should be documented, challenged, and publicly condemned. A lion eating a zebra is a natural act. A government using state institutions to restrict citizens’ constitutional freedoms is not. Comparing the two creates a false equivalence. It also understates the seriousness of political repression. Organisation is certainly necessary. But condemnation and organisation are not mutually exclusive. A political movement can condemn the banning of a rally while simultaneously building institutions, mobilising citizens, and developing a stronger strategy. In fact, public condemnation can help expose abuses. It can rally public opinion. It can create accountability. It can also build solidarity. The failure to build a broad and disciplined opposition does not absolve the police or the government of responsibility for violating democratic freedoms. Nor is it fair to suggest that citizens who demand answers after a rally is stopped are merely “mourning” instead of organising. The real question should be why a government that claims to uphold constitutional democracy continues to restrict peaceful political activity. We should also ask why those responsible are not being held accountable. If the opposition has organisational weaknesses, those weaknesses should be confronted honestly. But they should not be used to shift attention away from the perpetrators of repression. We need both: strong political organisation and an uncompromising defence of democratic rights.
You confuse disagreement over the adequacy or quality of a constitution with whether a document is, in fact, the constitution adopted by an organisation. A constitution does not cease to be a constitution because it is short, imperfect, vague, or fails to satisfy someone’s preferred theoretical definition of constitutionalism; many constitutions and founding instruments contain broad principles and leave detailed procedures to statutes, regulations, conventions, or subsequent rules!
ZIMBABWE HAS AN EMERSON, NOT A NELSON PROBLEM — RHYMING, YET SO DIFFERENT. The unstructured, constitutionless narrative is a ZANU PF-created and sponsored narrative. It is a desperate attempt to advance a HOPELESS ARGUMENT: that the alternative is somehow responsible for its own oppression. It is the equivalent of saying, “You wore a miniskirt; that is why I raped you.” It is like a hyena blaming its victim when, in fact, it is in the nature of a hyena to hunt and eat its prey. The recalls of elected Members of Parliament are not the citizens’ doing. The destruction of citizens’ vehicles is not the citizens’ doing. These are acts of oppression. This is what oppressors do. They shift blame. They divide the oppressed. They turn citizens against one another. But this desperate plan will not succeed. Not against the opposition. Not against President Chamisa. Not against the CITIZENS’ GOVERNMENT IN OUR LIFETIME generation. WE, THE CITIZENS know the problem. Zimbabweans have fought against it for decades. They cannot be tweeted out of this struggle. They cannot be essayed out of it. They cannot be inked out of it. This struggle carries the weight of many graves - Identified and unidentified. It carries broken lives. Stolen futures. Prison cells. And the scars of generations. The citizens know what they want. They know what they are fighting for. A CITIZENS’ GOVERNMENT IN OUR LIFETIME. Anything extra or less is the work of cowards, always looking for faults in those trying under difficult circumstances. It is the work of commentators who forget that, after all, essays are written, someone still has to do the work.
The saddest thing for me is how Zimbabwe does not know how to mourn—the quickness to politicise, to over-explain the cause, to focus on who did what and who did not do what. When, in fact, the first and most important thing is to hold space for the victims: to properly understand who they are and the effects of what has happened to them. From there, we can move to inquiries, accountability and explanations. Now, the story is being completely overshadowed by political narratives and all that comes with them, minus the story of the victims.
The citizen philosopher mourns, and mourns both philosophically and physically, at the over-politicisation of human suffering!!!
🔸One of the things that pains me most about the Kariba Ferry disaster is that most of the people on the boat were travelling to rural Kariba, carrying goods for resale in their small businesses. A great number of them were women. Who doesn’t know that all too familiar story of a mother carrying a baby on her back with another in hand going off to buy and sell goods to feed her family? It’s unsurprising that it’s reported that one of the victims of the tragedy was recovered with a baby on her back.
This is a community that never asked for handouts or government grants. All they needed was a functional public transport system so that they could work and feed their families yet the Govt failed them.
They hate poor people.
We need new leaders.🇿🇼
The saddest thing for me is how Zimbabwe does not know how to mourn—the quickness to politicise, to over-explain the cause, to focus on who did what and who did not do what. When, in fact, the first and most important thing is to hold space for the victims: to properly understand who they are and the effects of what has happened to them. From there, we can move to inquiries, accountability and explanations. Now, the story is being completely overshadowed by political narratives and all that comes with them, minus the story of the victims.
The citizen philosopher mourns, and mourns both philosophically and physically, at the over-politicisation of human suffering!!!
@Shadda101@daddyhope@nelsonchamisa That is not a contradiction at all. You are conflating having a constitution with having the particular conventional organogram that is demanded. Read to understand not to reply..
Well said, sir. You must also not allow them to push you into believing that an organogram only exists because it is drawn on paper. You have already given a compelling description of CCC’s structure; he can simply take that description and draw the organogram himself.
Equally, never apologise for being different. President, secretary-general, vice-president, chairperson etc. is simply one type of organisational structure, and citizens know that CCC deliberately chose a different model, as a break from traditional ZANU-PF and MDC politics.
That conventional model is precisely what makes it easier for the regime to identify and target key positions and exploit internal divisions, as we saw with Mwonzora, the PDP experience and Rukanda , and most recently the Tshabangu saga.
Stay alert. Hope seems increasingly invested in that narrative, whether deliberately or otherwise, and it risks aiding the very regime whose tactics we should be challenging.