What Laura Loomer said about Rep. Angie Nixon is disgusting and should be condemned by all of us.
Saying that Jewish Americans are the ‘face of racism and hate’ is disgusting, antisemitic, and disqualifying for someone who is part of the Florida Democratic Party. @agrundygomes
Every Democrat should condemn this heinous statement and if they don’t, they shouldn’t be in office.
More broadly, we as Democrats must address the rise of antisemitism within the Democratic Party. It’s extremely prevalent and contrary to everything we as a party are supposed to stand for.
I compared the geographic distribution of primary votes for @davidjollyfl, @AngieNixon and @ByronDonalds. The coalition profiles differ substantially.
Jolly’s strongest Democratic performance came from Pinellas, Sarasota and Palm Beach, largely older, coastal counties. However, he did not face a comparably strong opponent. His 61% statewide share indicates broad support within the Democratic primary, but provides limited information about his performance under competitive conditions. Note: Primary voters are historically hyper-partisan.
Nixon competed in a two-candidate primary. Her highest vote shares came from Duval, Orange, Osceola, Miami-Dade and Broward. Duval, Central Florida and Broward–Miami-Dade accounted for 82% of her statewide margin. Her relative performance was weaker in Palm Beach and along the older Gulf Coast.
Donalds’ strongest Republican results came from South and Southwest Florida, including Miami-Dade, Palm Beach, Lee and Collier. His weakest performance was concentrated in Duval, Orange and Pinellas. He also did not dominate rural Florida: Jay Collins carried 17 of the state’s 31 rural counties, compared with 14 for Donalds.
The votes cast for other candidates are also significant.
Of the 1.697 million Republican gubernatorial primary votes, 886,161—or 52.2%—went to someone other than Donalds. Of the 1.250 million Democratic gubernatorial primary votes, 488,322—or 39.1%—went to someone other than Jolly.
Donalds received only 48,992 more votes personally than Jolly, but the Republican gubernatorial primary produced 446,831 more total votes. That is the structural advantage Donalds carries into the general election: a substantially larger Republican primary electorate available to consolidate.
Jolly’s advantage is that he begins with fewer Democratic primary voters to recover. His problem is that Nixon produced far greater intensity in several of the diverse metropolitan counties he will need.
In Duval, Nixon received 80% while Jolly received 52% and Donalds 43%. In Orange, Nixon received 68% while Jolly and Donalds were both near 50%. In Miami-Dade, Nixon received nearly 60%, compared with 53% for Jolly and 58% for Donalds.
Nixon’s voters are part of the Democratic coalition Jolly must retain. That is where the socialism and DSA issue becomes especially complicated. The socialist label begins the general election with limited affirmative appeal and substantial downside.
Pew’s 2026 polling found that 69% of Republicans dislike leaders who identify as democratic socialists, while only 3% like them. Among Hispanic Democrats, only 20% expressed a positive view; 12% disliked them and 66% were neutral. A Washington Post–Ipsos poll found that 55% of Americans—and 54% of independents—would not consider voting for a democratic-socialist candidate.
Earlier Pew research found negative views of socialism among 77% of Latino Republicans, 52% of Latino independents and nonpartisans, and 47% of Latino Democrats.
That distinction is particularly important in Miami-Dade, which is 70.6% Hispanic and 54.5% foreign-born. The county includes large Cuban, Venezuelan and Nicaraguan communities whose political experiences with authoritarian socialist governments make the language culturally and historically specific, not merely an abstract ideological debate.
For Donalds, the socialism argument is unlikely to change many Republican votes; those voters already overwhelmingly reject the label. Its potential value is among Hispanic no-party voters and less ideological Democrats, particularly in Miami-Dade.
For Jolly, the problem is more complicated. He needs the Democratic voters Nixon energized in Miami-Dade, Broward, Duval and Central Florida. At the same time, he cannot allow Nixon’s DSA affiliation, or the organization’s record on Cuba and Venezuela, to define the entire Democratic ticket among the Hispanic and independent voters he also needs.
NON-VOTES IN FLORIDA’S GUBERNATORIAL PRIMARY:
Gubernatorial non-votes were concentrated in Florida’s largest counties, especially among Democratic-primary voters.
The five largest counties were Miami-Dade, Broward, Palm Beach, Pinellas and Orange, which accounted for 20,773, or approximately 40.5%, of the statewide total. The top ten accounted for roughly 63%.
-Monroe: 901 non-votes, representing an unusually high 6.06% of Republican and Democratic ballots—397 Republicans and 504 Democrats.
-Miami-Dade: 6,182, or 2.99%.
-Sarasota: 2,764, or 2.90%.
-Martin: 823, or 2.74%.
-Broward: 4,348, or 2.21%.
Miami-Dade produced the most in raw numbers, but Monroe had the most conspicuous rate.
The Democratic non-vote was particularly concentrated in the major urban counties:
-Miami-Dade: 4,103
-Broward: 3,297
-Palm Beach: 2,501
-Orange: 2,039
-Pinellas: 1,781
-Duval: 1,519
Republican gubernatorial undervoting appears strongest among white voters in coastal and suburban counties, with a separate, meaningful pocket among Hispanic Republicans in Miami-Dade.
What the aggregate results do establish:
Democrats: 30,181 non-votes — 58.9%
Republicans: 21,073 — 41.1%
Miami-Dade, Broward and Palm Beach: 14,165 — 27.6%
Five largest contributing counties: 20,773 — 40.5%
Ten largest: 32,307 — 63.0%
For Republicans, by percentage, the most striking counties were:
Monroe: 404 nonvotes — 4.90%
Sarasota: 1,581 — 2.72%
Martin: 506 — 2.40%
Holmes: 81 — 2.36%
Miami-Dade: 2,149 — 2.33%
Escambia: 721 — 2.21%
Leon: 502 — 2.20%
Geographically, the non-votes leaned heavily toward Florida’s large, diverse metropolitan counties. Miami-Dade alone produced 12.1% of them, followed by Broward, Palm Beach, Pinellas and Orange. Democratic non-votes drove most of the difference in Miami-Dade, Broward, Palm Beach, Orange and Duval.
That pattern suggests the pool was likely more racially diverse than the statewide Republican-primary electorate.
I'm honored to have received the support of so many Democratic leaders in our state for my candidacy for Chair of @FlaDems.
Together, we will transform our party and work toward electing more Democrats throughout Florida. #NikkiFriedForFDPChair
@NikkiFried Let us know what we can do!! The current leadership needs to resign immediately. We, in Hernando, will definitely help rebuild. Thx Hernando DEC