The Israel Question
Any discussion of deterrence inevitably raises the question of Israel.
At present, Israel operates with significant strategic freedom—not only because of its capabilities, but because it faces no unified regional mechanism capable of imposing consistent costs.
This freedom is further enabled by a persistent international double standard, where violations by some actors are met with immediate condemnation and consequence, while similar actions by others are absorbed into the language of “security” and “self-defence” without equivalent accountability.
This is not sustainable.
Deterrence is not about targeting a specific state. It is about ensuring that no actor operates entirely outside consequence.
A ceasefire that means different things to different actors is not diplomacy.
It’s managed instability.
My latest op-ed:
“A Ceasefire Without Consequence: Why the Middle East Needs Real Deterrence” 🧵
https://t.co/p02Vrb5yQ9
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What we are seeing between Iran, Israel, and the United States is not a failure of communication.
It is a failure of structure.
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A ceasefire without enforcement is not peace.
It is a pause without consequence.
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The uncomfortable truth:
Deterrence without the credible option of enforcement—including military—lacks weight.
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The region doesn’t just lack peace.
It lacks a coordinated system to impose costs.
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From the Gaza Strip to Lebanon, we see the same cycle:
Escalation → Ceasefire → Ambiguity → Repeat
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The answer is not blind escalation.
But neither is it passive diplomacy.
It is structured deterrence.
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Until then, every ceasefire will remain temporary.
And every pause—an illusion.
The idea of a NATO-style framework in the Middle East—bringing together states such as Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Egypt, and Pakistan—is often dismissed as dangerously escalatory.
That risk is real.
But so is the alternative: a region where no collective mechanism exists to impose costs, where actions carry limited consequence, and where ceasefires are repeatedly negotiated only to be reinterpreted and eroded.
The question, then, is not whether deterrence should exist.
It is whether it will remain implicit and ineffective, or become structured and credible.
A regional framework that combines diplomatic, economic, and legal pressure with a clearly defined, collectively agreed last-resort enforcement mechanism would not increase instability.
It would introduce something the region currently lacks: predictability.
The unfolding war in our region should alarm every responsible leadership from Tehran to the Gulf and Ankara.
Recent missile and drone strikes have turned cities across the Gulf into unintended frontlines of a conflict that many of these states neither initiated nor wished to be part of. Missiles and drones have hit or been intercepted across Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Qatar, Kuwait, Oman and others since the escalation began after the U.S.–Israel strikes on Iran.
Yet most Gulf states have publicly indicated that their airspace and territory should not be used for attacks against Iran, precisely to prevent the regionalization of this war.
This is an important and responsible position.
If the objective of the current Iranian retaliation is deterrence against U.S. or Israeli operations, then expanding the battlefield into neutral neighbouring states risks achieving the opposite result: it may push reluctant regional actors deeper into the conflict.
For decades the Gulf has tried to transform itself from a theatre of confrontation into a zone of economic growth, connectivity and diplomacy. Turning Dubai, Doha, Riyadh or Muscat into missile corridors serves no one except those who benefit from perpetual instability in the region.
To the leadership in Tehran:
Your strategic grievance may be with Washington and Tel Aviv, but the Gulf societies hosting millions of civilians and expatriates are not your battlefield.
To the rulers of the GCC:
Maintaining neutrality and refusing to allow your territories to become launchpads for war is essential for regional stability.
To Türkiye:
Your diplomatic weight and strategic position could help prevent a spiral that may engulf the entire region.
The Middle East cannot afford another regional war whose consequences will extend far beyond borders — from energy markets to global security.
Statesmanship today means ensuring that this war does not become everyone’s war.
1/
India once stood as a leading voice for Palestinian self-determination.
Today, it abstains on ceasefire votes, deepens arms ties with Israel, and speaks the language of “security” over international law.
This shift has implications far beyond Palestine.