@michellmybell1@physicsgeek And she could have made her own money and bought herself that stuff, after all you are all strong, independent womyns? Ah, wait, his money is their money and her money is her money. Right?
Women expect to have access to it all but men has to beg, right?
@ErikTFGH@hanifbali Ingen får heller sitt liv tillbaka av att bli rentvådd efter att ha blivit avrättad. Hellre 100 personer som sitter på riktig livstid (inte 10 år eller utsläppt för gott uppförande) än en som avrättas på falska grunder!
@ErikTFGH@hanifbali Tolkien skrev det bäst ”Många som lever förtjänar att dö. Och några som dör förtjänar att leva. Kan du ge dem livet åter? Var då inte alltför ivrig att utdela dödsdomar.”
@FabioneBo71@TheLaurenChen That is just a retarded lie. The clothing was brought up as evidence of intent when it's "he said she said". It was never for blaming and never given as a sole reason for anything.
@DANIELvBERLEKOM@AgnesWold Yttrandefrihet innebär inte heller att man måste hålla sig inom en extrem smal åsiktskorridor för att inte råka ut för löjligt oproportionerliga konsekvenser
@trotzenfeldt@N00dn1k@Chaim_Yehoshua Så om gisslan har blivit våldtagna men det inte är Hamas som har utfört våldtäkterna, vem har så gjort det? Har Mossad varit inbjudna till Hamas för att våldta?
@valterwhite@hanifbali Till att börja med: Drastiskt minska mängden myndigheter. Då frigör du både folk som kan jobba med viktigare saker och medel nog att betala dem en hyfsad lön.
Det finns många fler men jag har inte tid att utbilda dig. Läs på, som vänstern brukar säga.
Last week, Gazan women testified to a system of rape by Hamas to Palestinian women living in tents.
This week, Gazan children testified to being raped by Hamas clerics.
Not a word about it the New York Times, UN, or Cenk Uygur.
Weird.
@regeringsregn@fscktard@JensGanman Glöm inte att vänstern också fiser små parfymerade rosa moln och att anledningen till vår låga nativitet är att högern äter spädbarn till söndagsmiddagen. Det är sant, jag hörde det av en kommunist och som alla vet så ljuger vänstern aldrig!
The Arab Word is Watching a Different War:
Three reasons why it has been difficult to understand the Arab position:
The first is the Arab relationship with Iran. From the vantage point of Brussels or London, Iran presents itself as a resistance movement with a grievance against American hegemony and Israeli occupation, and this presentation maps comfortably onto familiar Western anticolonial frameworks.
What it does not map onto is the lived experience of Arab populations in Lebanon, Iraq, Yemen, Bahrain, Syria, and across the Gulf. In those countries, Iran's presence meant Hezbollah holding the Lebanese state hostage to Tehran's decisions, thirty-five armed factions in Iraq drawing salaries from Iranian funds channeled through the Iraqi national treasury, and Houthi commanders answering to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps while firing on Arab civilians from Yemeni soil. Freedom is not the word any serious Arab observer would use for what Iran brought.
Indeed, the Arab world's quarrel with Iran runs far deeper than American bases or Israeli airstrikes. What drives it is the systematic subversion of Arab sovereignty by a foreign power that uses the language of Islamic solidarity as cover for an imperial project conducted through proxies.
The second dimension is the proxy question itself, where Western analysis fails most comprehensively. Iran goes far beyond supporting armed groups. Parallel state structures get built inside Arab countries, financial systems get captured, and political figures get installed who owe their existence and survival entirely to Tehran.
The Iranians who have administered this project understand it as the export of a revolution, but what Arab populations have experienced is closer to a colonial occupation conducted through intermediaries, and as of now, they’re not mourning the Islamic Republic.
When Westerners treat these proxy networks as instruments of legitimate resistance rather than as mechanisms of subjugation, they endorse an imperial project while believing themselves to be opposing one, and as a matter of fact, make themselves the legitimizing force behind Iran’s war against the Arab world.
The third dimension is the most counterintuitive for a Western audience, and it is the one most consequential for how the current war is understood and misunderstood. For Arab nationalists, including secular nationalists and even those with deep reservations about Israeli policy, Iran represents a greater and more immediate threat than Israel does.
This is a position that Western media are structurally ill-equipped to render intelligible, because Western discourse on the Middle East has been organized for decades around the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as the primary axis of regional injustice.
The result is that when Western governments and Western publics take strong positions against Israel’s actions against Iran’s operations, they believe themselves to be standing with the Arab world. In reality, they are advancing a position that the Arab world does not share and has not asked for, while ignoring the threat that Arab governments and Arab populations actually live with.
The rhetorical use of Israel as a perpetual alibi for Iranian aggression has been one of the Islamic Republic’s most durable tools, and Western opinion has served as the unwitting amplifier of that tool across the entire duration of the Islamic Republic’s existence.
https://t.co/32dwric9G6