"a Flock vice president logged into the Dunwoody PD’s Flock system and looked at a camera in the children’s gymnastics room of a private community center here in Dunwoody.
He did not look at any other cameras in the entire 400-camera network that day."
https://t.co/CwhLqOMwvz
The House is scheduled to vote this week on a National Defense Authorization that would integrate our military tech & supply chains with Israel’s.
Today, the Rules Committee will decide whether my amendment to strip section 219 will get a vote.
RT to support the Massie amdt.!
🚨 Flock has a hidden weakness many don’t know: public records requests.
Activists have successfully forced at least 8 cities to shut down Flock programs, either by exposing unauthorized data access or showing the footage was publicly accessible.
One of the most effective ways to take down Flock cameras? FOIA/PRA requests.
Here’s a template to file one in your city:
To the Custodian of Records:
Pursuant to the (your state here) Public Records Act (your state's public records act code.), I request access to and copies of the following public records relating to the (your local police) Police Department’s surveillance camera network reportedly consisting of more than 2,600 cameras deployed throughout the city.
Please provide records covering the period January 1, 2020 through present unless otherwise specified.
1. Policies and Legal Authority
All policies, procedures, memoranda, directives, or legal analyses governing:
-The deployment and operation of surveillance cameras within __________
-Any legal justification for the program under federal or state constitutional law
-Policies governing Fourth Amendment considerations or privacy protections
-Any City Council ordinances or resolutions authorizing the camera network
2. Contracts and Vendors
All contracts, agreements, memoranda of understanding, purchase orders, or amendments with vendors or service providers related to:
-Surveillance cameras
-Automated license plate readers
-Real-time crime centers
-Video analytics, facial recognition, or artificial intelligence
-Data storage or cloud services used for camera footage
Please include vendor proposals, RFP responses, and bid documents.
3. Camera Locations
Records identifying:
-The number and location of cameras deployed
-Maps, GIS datasets, or inventories of surveillance devices
-Any classification of cameras as public, private-partner, or third-party integrated cameras
(If precise coordinates are withheld, provide generalized location records or district-level inventories.)
4. Data Retention and Access
All records describing:
-Video retention schedules
-Policies for deletion or archiving of footage
-Which agencies or departments have access to the camera network
-Any data sharing agreements with other agencies including but not limited to:
-(your state) Highway Patrol -Federal agencies (FBI, DHS, ICE, etc.) -Regional task forces
5. Private Camera Integration Programs
All records relating to programs that integrate privately owned cameras into the police network, including:
-Agreements with homeowners, businesses, or HOAs
-Terms of participation
-Data access rights granted to the police department
6. Surveillance Technology Capabilities
Records describing whether the system includes or supports:
-Facial recognition
-License plate recognition
-Behavioral analytics
-Crowd detection
-Real-time monitoring centers
7. Crime Reduction Claims
All records, reports, studies, or internal analyses supporting claims that the surveillance network caused reductions in crime, including:
-Statistical reports
-Internal evaluations
-Communications discussing the effectiveness of the system
8. Communications
Emails, memoranda, and internal communications between (your city) Police Department personnel, City officials, or vendors referencing:
-Expansion of the camera network
-Privacy concerns
-Public opposition or legal review
Search terms should include: “camera network”, “surveillance cameras”, “real time crime center”, "Aerodome", "Raven", “ALPR”, “Flock”, “facial recognition”, and “camera integration”.
Format
Please provide records in electronic format via email or download link.
If any records are withheld, please provide the specific statutory exemption relied upon and produce all reasonably segregable portions of responsive documents.
Fee Waiver
This request concerns matters of significant public interest involving government surveillance and constitutional rights, and any fees should be waived or minimized.
I look forward to your response within the statutory timeframe.
JD Vance is warning Benjamin Netanyahu’s administration not to mess around with the United States, saying they may end up losing everything.
Vance says Trump is their last ally because the entire world already hates them.
"If I were in the cabinet of the Israeli government, I might not be attacking the only powerful ally I have."
BREAKING: A lone GOP member of Congress is finally asking, “Am I crazy, or are Jared and Ivanka literally bragging publicly about how they're creating a new and improved Epstein island by stealing protected Albanian land with pre-installed underground tunnels to hide the kids?"
Thomas Massie delivers the truth about the intentional Israeli attack against the USS Liberty on the House Floor on the 59th year anniversary of the attack and calls for a real investigation.
He says there was a 17-hour delay in receiving help after they were under attack by Israel.
“It was intentional murder by the state of Israel.”
“The Israelis were intent to leave no survivors.”
“This was an effort to kill everyone on board.”
I don't want politicians to be complaining about 2 tier policing, I want a leader who says the truth of why Henry Nowak is dead, and one that offers a solution.
Ban the Kirpan, bring back the death penalty-kill Vickrum Digwa, deport his whole family and start Remigation.
This is genuinely more brave than like 99% of people posting on this website.
This kid is genuinely putting the rest of his life in jeopardy for speaking this truth.
From the article:
“[sect. 224 of the NDAA is] not an alliance with a talented and responsible ally that will help keep the US safe, but a trap being set by Israel and its lobby to bind our country to a state that, for all its past promise, has gone rogue.”
https://t.co/1AMAcZGjp2
The House voted today on a new measure to fuse elements of the Israeli and US militaries, particularly on the cyberweapons front. Section 224, as its known, is included in the National Defense Authorization Act. Rep. Ro Khanna, D-Calif., introduced an amendment to strip it from the bill. Watch as a stream of Republicans and Democrats stand up in support of the enhanced cooperation. Only Rep. Sarah Jacobs (D-Calif.) joined Khanna, and the measure failed in a voice vote. Watch:
🎯 Deep Dive: The Quiet Coup Inside the NDAA
The Responsible Statecraft piece has put its finger on something genuinely significant — and the fact that this is happening inside a must-pass $1.15 trillion defense bill, buried at Section 224, tells you everything about how the permanent national security apparatus operates when it wants to avoid a public fight.
🏗️ What Section 224 Actually Does
This isn’t a tweak. Section 224 — titled the “United States-Israel Defense Technology Cooperation Initiative” — is a structural rewiring of the U.S.-Israel military relationship.
The provision authorizes $150 million annually from FY2027 through FY2029, but the money is almost beside the point. What matters is the architecture it builds:
- Bilateral R&D across AI, quantum computing, autonomous systems, directed energy, cyber, biotech, counter-drone systems, and missile defense
- Co-production and joint ventures with Israeli defense firms on U.S. soil
- Licensing agreements that embed Israeli-origin intellectual property into Pentagon programs of record
- “Network integration” and “data fusion” — which means U.S. military data flowing into Israeli systems and vice versa
- Pathways from R&D straight into procurement, bypassing the normal foreign aid oversight channels
The key phrase in the legislative text: technologies are to be identified for “integration into United States systems and programs of record.” That’s not foreign aid. That’s making Israeli defense tech a backbone of the U.S. military.
🔄 The Strategic Shift: From Aid to Embedded Infrastructure
The Quincy Institute’s Steven Simon has been tracking this for months. His brief, The Disappearing Aid Check, lays out exactly what’s happening — and it’s more sophisticated than most people realize.
The current model: Israel receives Foreign Military Financing (FMF) through the State Department, voted on annually by Congress. It's visible. It's politically accountable. People can argue about it.
The new model: Phase out FMF grants and replace them with Pentagon procurement accounts, industrial partnerships, and sustainment pipelines. Same money, different door — one with vastly less transparency.
The logic, as Simon documents, is being sold under an “America First” framing: this isn’t a handout to Israel, it’s an investment in American military readiness, industrial capacity, and jobs. Israeli co-production facilities in Mississippi and Arkansas become political leverage — members of Congress protect the jobs in their districts, and the relationship becomes structurally impossible to unwind.
This is the same playbook the military-industrial complex always uses: distribute the subcontracts across as many congressional districts as possible so no one dares vote against the program. Now they’re doing it with a foreign country’s defense sector.
🕳️ The Transparency Problem
The shift from State Department-administered FMF to Pentagon procurement is the move that should alarm anyone who cares about accountability.
Under the FMF model:
- Congress votes on the aid package publicly
- The State Department provides human rights certifications
- There’s diplomatic oversight and policy conditionality
- Public debate is possible
Under the Pentagon procurement model:
- Funding moves through budget justification documents and program element descriptions
- Oversight is limited to “cost, readiness, and capability” — bureaucratic criteria
- The relationship gets evaluated like any other weapons program, not as a strategic political commitment
- No diplomatic strings attached
As the Responsible Statecraft piece notes, this would give Israel “a higher level of military-industrial integration than the U.S. has with any other country in the world” — including NATO allies. Not even the Five Eyes partners have this kind of embedded access to U.S. defense procurement.
🧬 The Legislative Genealogy
This didn’t come out of nowhere. H.R. 7540 (Rep. Ronny Jackson, R-TX) and S. 3855 (Sen. Ted Budd, R-NC) were introduced as standalone bills in February 2026 with nearly identical language. When a standalone passage looked difficult, the provisions got folded into the NDAA — the classic maneuver for legislation that can’t survive public scrutiny on its own.
The JINSA (Jewish Institute for National Security of America) influence is unmistakable. Their “Partners in Production” report explicitly recommended deeper industrial integration and the addition of Israel to the U.S. National Technology and Industrial Base (NTIB). The FY2026 NDAA had already directed DoD to establish a working group to assess exactly that. Section 224 is the next logical step — and JINSA’s fingerprints are all over it.
⚠️ Why This Matters More Than the Dollar Figure
$150 million a year is a rounding error in a $1.15 trillion defense bill. But the institutional architecture this creates is permanent.
Once Israeli firms are embedded in U.S. supply chains, once Israeli-origin IP is inside Pentagon programs of record, once U.S. and Israeli military data networks are fused — disentanglement becomes economically and institutionally impossible. You can’t just stop the aid check. You’d have to rip apart procurement programs, break contracts, and rebuild supply chains.
That’s the point. This is designed to make the relationship irreversible — at precisely the moment when a growing number of Americans are questioning unconditional support for Israel’s actions in the region.
The traditional Israel lobby works through campaign contributions and media influence. This is more sophisticated: it works through the defense procurement bureaucracy itself, creating material interests that guarantee political support regardless of public opinion.
🗳️ What Happens Next
The House Armed Services Committee markup is scheduled for June 4, 2026. After that, the bill moves to the full House, then reconciliation with the Senate version.
Section 224 is currently in the base text — meaning it was put there by committee leadership before amendments or broader debate. That’s how the most consequential provisions get through: bury them in the chairman’s mark, count on the must-pass nature of the NDAA, and dare anyone to hold up the entire defense budget over one section.
Members who want to stop this have a narrow window: force a floor amendment to strike Section 224, or demand recorded votes that put colleagues on the record supporting the fusion of U.S. and Israeli militaries. The question is whether anyone has the stomach for that fight when the pro-Israel apparatus in both parties remains largely unchallenged.
The Responsible Statecraft piece is right to flag this. The quiet ones are always the ones that matter most.