@complex_KN@devellloper 3 пункт у вашому коменті особливо яскраво виглядає, враховуючи що комент помічений як «ймовірний спам». Алгоритми попаяло, без жартів
Ad agosto sono stato in Lituania. Abbiamo noleggiato una macchina e girato il Paese. È stato bellissimo, ma non è questo che voglio raccontare.
Una sera, a Vilnius, una persona che era con me mi ha detto una frase: «In Italia non ci abbiamo capito niente».
Quel giorno avevamo visitato l’ex sede del KGB. Celle grandi quanto un armadio, stanze di tortura, prigioni per dissidenti e religiosi. Una stanza dove i prigionieri politici venivano giustiziati, uno dopo l’altro, e i corpi fatti sparire. Ci sono ancora i buchi dei proiettili nel muro. Nel museo, oltre ai crimini commessi dall’URSS (milioni di persone deportate, intere famiglie distrutte, oppositori perseguitati…), viene raccontata anche la storia dei partigiani lituani. Uomini e donne che combattevano e morivano per liberare il proprio Paese dall’occupazione sovietica.
E quella voglia di non finire mai più sotto il dominio russo la senti ovunque. Nei musei, nelle testimonianze delle persone, nelle condanne ai crimini che la Russia commette ancora oggi. Senti una continuità storica fortissima, come se quello che succede oggi in Ucraina fosse anche parte della loro storia.
Quella persona era rimasta in silenzio per un po’ prima di dirmi quella frase. Aveva votato comunista per gran parte della sua giovinezza. Come tanti italiani, era cresciuta pensando che il comunismo fosse l’opposto del fascismo e quindi il massimo della libertà e della giustizia. Per lei la bandiera dell’URSS rappresentava la liberazione, la resistenza, la difesa degli oppressi. E invece: «Mentre in Italia votavo comunista, qui c’erano persone che venivano imprigionate, torturate e uccise proprio da chi finanziava il partito che votavo».
Non erano cose che non si potevano sapere. Le repressioni sovietiche erano denunciate già allora. Ma l’URSS finanziava il più grande partito comunista dell’Occidente, quello italiano, ed esercitava un’enorme influenza sulla nostra vita politica e culturale. La propaganda sovietica ha lasciato un’impronta profondissima in Italia. Quella di Putin ha saputo sfruttare anche quell’eredità.
Siamo cresciuti in un Paese dove gli stessi simboli che per milioni di europei rappresentavano occupazione, deportazioni e repressione venivano esibiti come simboli di libertà. E con questa storia non abbiamo mai fatto davvero i conti.
Ancora oggi c’è chi scende in piazza con bandiere sovietiche, convinto di stare dalla parte degli oppressi. E penso a quei ragazzi e a quelle ragazze lituane, e non solo, che mentre noi celebravamo l’URSS morivano per liberarsi proprio dall’URSS. Per essere liberi.
«In Italia non ci abbiamo capito niente». E purtroppo continuiamo a non capire.
Putin hävdar att ukrainsk mark tillhör Ryssland av historiska skäl. Utmärkt! Då tillämpar vi samma logik på Ryssland.
🇯🇵 Japan får tillbaka Kurilerna.
🇨🇳 Kina tar tillbaka Vladivostok.
🇫🇮 Finland återfår Viborg och Karelen.
🇩🇪 Tyskland återtar Königsberg, dagens Kaliningrad.
🇹🇷 Turkiet kan göra historiska anspråk på Azov.
Absurt? Japp!
Om historiska gränser ger rätt att invadera andra länder kan halva världen börja marschera över sina grannars gränser.
Historia ger ingen äganderätt till självständiga stater. Ukraina tillhör inte Ryssland, oavsett hur många gånger Putin upprepar sin historieförfalskning.
“Dear Italian students, who today take to the streets carrying flags with the hammer and sickle and wearing T-shirts emblazoned with ‘CCCP’,” began an open letter in Italian by Lithuanian expat Neringa Budryt.
“I would like to ask you a question: do you truly know what the symbols you carry represent? And do you know what would have happened to many of you had you openly demonstrated in countries living under the oppression of communist regimes?
Let me tell you something. It is easy to display a red flag when, for you, communism is merely an abstract idea of equality, social justice, and rebellion against the system. It is easy to wear a T-shirt with "CCCP" on it when you have never experienced the reality of a communist regime.
We come from that part of Europe where communism was not a T-shirt, a symbol of rebellion, or a romanticized notion of equality. It was the system in which we lived—a system we never chose.
We know the history of Soviet repression, Stalinist purges, the Gulags, and mass deportations. Above all, we know the word "Siberia"—a place to which thousands of innocent people were forcibly deported, simply for thinking differently.
In Siberia—amidst freezing cold, starvation, and forced labor—many lost their lives; those who survived carried the scars of that experience forever. Entire families were torn apart, and generations were denied the chance to live freely in their own homeland.
In the countries of the Soviet bloc, censorship, political police, surveillance, and the suppression of dissent drastically curtailed individual freedoms.
We grew up in a system where state control permeated even our daily lives. At school, we were required to wear the red necktie of the "Pioneers." We were monitored; they tracked where we went and even whether we attended church. Even faith—a choice that should belong to an individual’s own conscience—could become a cause for suspicion.
We used to celebrate Christmas with our windows blacked out, to ensure no one would see us and report us. Because it was forbidden—just like so many other things: jeans, rock music, and all the symbols of a Western lifestyle. My mother returned from a Soviet labor camp. And do you know what happened to her? She was barred from continuing her education because she had been labeled an enemy of communism.
Under a communist regime, you could not protest. You risked arrest, imprisonment, interrogation, persecution—and, in certain historical contexts, even death. In the Soviet Union and other communist regimes, political dissent could cost you your freedom and your life.
Demonstrations independent of the authorities were not a guaranteed right; they were often suppressed by force.
That is why it strikes me to see young Italians proudly displaying the hammer and sickle—symbols associated with regimes that persecuted and imprisoned millions of people.
Today, you are free to take to the streets, shout against the government, criticize institutions, and wave your flags precisely because you live in a democracy that grants you these freedoms. Under an authoritarian regime of that kind, protesting against those in power could have landed you in prison.
This is not about denying the existence of social injustices, inequalities, or the right to fight for a better world. You are free to take to the streets to demand a more just society—but you should not idealize a system that denied so many people the very things you are free to exercise today: the right to choose, to believe, to speak, and to dissent. Before wearing a T-shirt with "CCCP" on it, listen to those who experienced that world. Talk to the deportees and their descendants; read the accounts of those who endured the gulags and forced exile to Siberia. Learn what it meant to be stripped of your freedom, your home, your loved ones—and even any prospect of a normal life—simply because of your background or your beliefs.
Before waving the hammer and sickle, please, study history thoroughly.”
In two months of summer , Russian attacks have destroyed almost 13 million books in Ukraine — about a third of the annual volume of the Ukrainian book market.
That’s it. That’s that post .
I don’t think Europeans fully appreciate what is happening to the European Union right now.
The EU is under an extraordinary, multi-front assault, both from outside and from within. And I struggle to think of another period in its history when so many powerful actors had an interest in weakening it simultaneously.
Russia has spent years waging hybrid warfare against Europe. Weaponised migration, sabotage, cyberattacks, coordinated disinformation campaigns, bot networks and political interference. The objective is clear: undermine trust in democratic institutions, deepen social divisions and weaken European unity.
China has different motivations, primarily economic and geopolitical. A fragmented Europe is easier to pressure, easier to negotiate with individually and less capable of defending its economic interests.
And then there is the United States. Perhaps the most disturbing development of all.
Under Trump and MAGA, a country that helped rebuild the old continent and then spent decades supporting European integration now has an administration openly hostile to much of what the EU represents. Its own National Security Strategy even calls for cultivating resistance to Europe’s current political direction.
Think about that for a moment.
Meanwhile, within Europe, parts of the far right and far left amplify these divisions, whether through ideological alignment, political opportunism or outright sympathy for authoritarian regimes.
This doesn’t mean Russia, China and MAGA are all following some jointly coordinated master plan. They don’t have to. Their interests increasingly overlap, and Europe’s internal divisions make their work considerably easier.
What makes this particularly alarming is what is actually at stake.
For all its flaws, the EU remains one of the world’s most consequential projects built around liberal democracy, the rule of law, individual freedoms and cooperation between nations.
At a time when authoritarianism is gaining ground and even longstanding democracies are showing disturbing tendencies, that matters enormously.
Europe is far from perfect. Its bureaucracy, indecision and inability to act decisively are real problems. But the answer cannot be to retreat into 27 competing nation-states, each too small to meaningfully influence a world increasingly dominated by continental powers.
Quite the opposite.
Europe needs deeper integration, stronger common institutions, genuine strategic autonomy and the political courage to defend its interests and values.
Because fragmentation is precisely what so many external actors want.
And perhaps that’s the central irony of our time: people are being deliberately manipulated into believing that the reverse is true — that national identity and sovereignty can only be protected by weakening European cooperation. In reality, a divided Europe is less sovereign, less secure and far easier for outside powers to pressure. Therefore the very thing that will make Europe stronger is the thing its adversaries are working hardest to prevent.
A united Europe is a geopolitical power. A divided Europe is a collection of countries waiting to be played against one another.
@skumWgmi They will keep it as is until the last cashier keeps working for the whole team. Profit. Then they’ll urgently hire the next only cashier and feel them with promises to hire someone else. Loop while :)
Non c’è alcun dubbio che sul fuoco delle violenze di strada in Francia ed in Italia soffi con forza il duo Russia e Maga. E’ un pezzo della guerra ibrida signori, come fu Ceuta e Melilla e come furono i gilet gialli.
Bardzo się na pewno zdziwimy jak się za rok/dwa/pięć okaże, że protesty właśnie teraz w Hiszpanii, Francji, Włoszech były inspirowane z Rosji. W szoku będziemy.
You see two images of what look like protests in France.
But what if I told you the first was taken in Tallinn in 2007, during the Bronze Night, a Russian-organised attack on the Estonian state: shops were looted, windows smashed, and goods stolen or burned.
So when you look at the protests in France, and now Italy, think of the Bronze Night. Estonia brought out the water cannons, and they did their job. Multiple people were arrested. Organisers were russians.
Then came the cyberattacks from Russia. Estonia repelled those too.