roj

[roj @_tevlihevv]

@merbit12 😯😯😯

[roj @_tevlihevv]

@merbit12 Remdar işgalcilerin tamamen helak olma ihtimali var mı? Bizim özgür olup bunların hayatına devam etmesi yetmez dördü de helak olsun istiyorum

[roj @_tevlihevv]

Şarkıyı bulmaya çalışıyordum

[Berxwedan @ezwestiyamm]

Alewi ailemlen amedli şafi kızı istemeye giderken🌹

[kürt kadınların tarihi☀️ @dirokajinenkurd]

Askerlerin 22 Ekim 1993 tarihinde Diyarbakır'ın Lice ilçesinde ve çevre köylerinde yaptığı baskında 400 kişinin öldüğü belirtilir. Tarihe "Lice Katliamı" veya "Lice Olayları" olarak geçen trajik süreci anlatmaktadır.

Unutacağımızı sananlar yanılıyor.
Hiç bir zaman unutmayacağız.

[Mehmet Aslan @mehmetaslani]

Korucular, Bitlis'in Sağımlı köyüne bağlı Çakmaklı(Deştaove) mezrasında yüzlerce koyunu katletti.

Köylüler, korucuların köy ve arazileri için yıllardır kendilerini sistematik bir şekilde tehdit ettiği ve köylerinden çıkmalarına dahi izin vermediklerini söyledi.

[roj @_tevlihevv]

Lübnan ve Ürdün'ü seviyorum tabii orası ayrı

[roj @_tevlihevv]

Aksine varlığını Batı Emperyalizmine borçlu olanlar Irak, Suriye, Lübnan ve Ürdün. Ama insanlar günümüzdeki politikalarını sevip sevmemelerine göre tarihi çarpıtmaya çalışıyor. Modern devletlerin siyasi varlığını kuruldukları coğrafyadaki tarihsel zenginliğe göre ele almak saçma

[Milo📕🔻 @RedGuard_Milo]

this applies to all Gulf states. None of them have any kind of legacy. the royal families were just lucky enough to have the British grant them some authority over a patch of sand.

[Milena🦚☀️ @Milenayazmiyor]

1/7 Ich kann heute nicht mehr schweigen. Mein Herz zieht sich zusammen, ich bekomme keine Luft mehr. Ihr denkt, dass die Hölle, die die êzîdîschen Frauen unter der IS-Barbarei erlebt haben, vorbei ist? Sie ist es nicht. Sie wurden zu lebenden Toten gemacht. +

[roj @_tevlihevv]

@NisanyanHimself @arsennisanyan @sufistcoalition Sosyal deney mi yapıyorsunuz acaba

[roj @_tevlihevv]

Twitter'da gezerken böyle bir adamın varlığını öğrendim ve daha önce tanıdığım birisine çok benziyor. Acaba dünyada bir yerde benim de bir ikizim var mıdır

[roj @_tevlihevv]

@merbit12 Tamam 🫡

[roj @_tevlihevv]

@merbit12 Ben de sana bunu soracaktım Remdar. Savaş bitti, Rusya ne zaman müdahil olacak ki artık

[roj @_tevlihevv]

@UfukUras

[AM @Avenz0ar]

Les élites marocaines rendront des comptes.

[Karim Franceschi @karimfranceschi]

The Syrian Feminist Lobby has counted 80 Alawite women and girls who have disappeared since early 2025. That threat to minorities is real. But if dig deeper to where the industrial‑scale trafficking machine first dug in, there's a darker story there: Long before these people could lay claim to “all of Syria,” disappearances were already happening inside the Sunni community itself, and at the epicenter lay HTS‑held Idlib.

Under Hayat Tahrir al‑Sham in northwest Idlib, women and girls weren’t being “protected” by pious knights of the Ummah; they were being bought. Literally. A Kuwaiti man walks into a house with a cleric and buys a 9‑year‑old for $5,000. She’s delivered to a brothel in Deir Hassan, finds “a large number of young women” who were also bought, is raped, passed around to the buyer’s friends, then moved on again, smuggled across the border and lined up in a hall in Gaziantep so men from different Arab countries can walk among them and “inspect” bodies before choosing which girl to take. Another girl is sold by her own mother into a “temporary marriage” with a Saudi in Damascus, raped repeatedly, then taken to a private clinic and wakes up on the street missing a kidney. That’s not rumor. That’s sworn testimony. That’s a trafficking market running under a single armed actor that likes to pretend nothing happens in its territory without its say‑so.

If you strip the religious branding off and just look at the pattern, what do you see? Recruitment and “purchase,” transport from Idlib to Turkey, from Syria to the Gulf, coercion masquerading as marriage, prostitution under armed guard, and organ harvesting when the girl’s body is no longer profitable as a sexual commodity.

Now put that beside the other ecosystem we all know: Epstein’s. There too you have girls moved across borders, often not speaking the language, filtered through “legitimate” covers, delivered to the private spaces of billionaires and officials. There too you have an inner circle of fixers and “friends” who keep showing up in the correspondence -- men like Tom Barrack --shuttling between the world of private capital, Gulf monarchies, and the White House. There too the victims are treated as interchangeable bodies in a market that only exists because certain people know they will never be held to account.

And this is where it stops being “just” about HTS or “just” about Epstein and starts being a foreign‑policy problem. The same Tom Barrack who appears hundreds of times in the Epstein files is the man Washington made point‑man on Syria and the Gulf. The same US and regional elites who quietly pushed to clean up Jolani’s image (delisting, rebranding, pretending this was now a “local governance actor”) did so in a context where HTS‑controlled ground was already the epicentre of trafficking networks preying on poor girls. You don’t get to pretend that’s an unfortunate coincidence. If your chosen proxies preside over a sex‑and‑organs economy, that’s part of the policy, whether you write it down or not.

The deeper question is: are we watching the construction of new Epstein in greyzone, offshore zones of impunity where girls’ bodies are the currency that keeps a whole hidden layer of power glued together? We already know what happened on “Epstein Island” isn’t unique; it’s a particularly well‑documented example of a system that has existed for the longest time in the Gulf, in conflict economies, in any place where there is money, impunity, and no press freedom. Try tweeting as a local reporter about the Qatari version of the Epstein Island and see how fast you disappear.

The myth they sell us is simple: HTS as pure defenders of the Sunnah; Gulf monarchies as guardians of morality; Western envoys as disinterested brokers of “stability.” The record on the ground says something else: vulnerable young women trafficked under HTS, organs cut out and sold; proxy leaders laundered back into acceptability; a diplomat out of Epstein’s inbox put in charge of the very theatre where this is happening. Once you line those facts up, the “layer underneath” stops looking like conspiracy and starts looking like the operating system.

[Lawen | لاوێن @Lawwwen]

62 years ago today in #Silêmanî late after midnight on June 9, 1963, on loudspeakers: “no one goes out, on pain of death”.

🧵A thread about the massacre of Zaim Sadiq (commander of Iraqi army’s 12th brigade) in Silêmanî, commonly refered to as “the curfew” by locals.

[roj @_tevlihevv]

@netanyahu Stop bringing up our name and end this staged sham fight with Turkey

[Nûmedya24 @NuMedya24]

Rize’nin Çayeli ilçesinde İran’dan çay toplama işi için getirilen ve aralarında kadınların da bulunduğu 38 İranlı işçi, saldırıya uğradı. 

15 gün boyunca çalıştırıldıktan sonra ücretlerini talep eden işçiler, işveren M.Y. ile birlikte yaklaşık 15 kişi tarafından darp edildi. 

Yaralı işçiler, Çayeli ve Rize merkezdeki hastanelerde tedavi altına alınırken, çenesi kırılan bir işçi Trabzon Karadeniz Teknik Üniversitesi Hastanesi’ne sevk edildi.

[kürt kadınların tarihi☀️ @dirokajinenkurd]

Işid tecavüzcülerinden kaçan kadınlara yardım eden Kürt aktivist Pexşan Ezîzî'nin idam kararını yargıtay onadı..

Uluslararası yardım kuruluşları, İran yargısına ortak mektupla insani yardımı teyit etti.

İdama ve hukuksuzluğa karşı ses ol❗️

#PakshanAzizi